Honoring Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. MLK Day 2023

For his service to our people and to this nation, be Grateful and Thoughtful on this MLK Day

It is not a day of service, it is a day of reflection, renewal, and re-engineering. A day to tell the story and lift up a most righteous demand for freedom. This man, through the power of our lived history, colored America and its infractions in 3D.

“For the good of America, it is necessary to refute the idea that the dominant ideology in our country, even today, is freedom and equality while racism is just an occasional departure from the norm on the part of a few bigoted extremists. Racism can well be that corrosive evil that will bring down the curtain on western civilization.”

 ‘The Three Evils of Society’ Speech – Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. – August 31, 1967

I for one, trust my struggle for justice and a reparative future for Black people in this country. Consequently, I do not fall for the “a day of action” distraction about what this day means. Pausing and re-assessment are the ways I spend the hours of this day. How I spend my MLK Day. It is a day that I remind my history recall that Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., who stepped up in history for a different future was assassinated. It is a day that I remind myself that you cannot serve the people, without loving the people. I am also reminded of my obligation to step out of the shadow and look back on the stenciling of Jim Crow across this country, in the heart of our children, in our government, and in these laws. I have an obligation. On this day, I review them, reprioritize and recognize all the shortcomings that can be found at the intersection of a double-consciousness existence that formed both the fracture and the power in me. I am not the child of some Founding Father. I come up from a place where I have been required to create my own country, voice, and place. MLK, Jr. added a very critical layer to that foundation.

Celebrate and remember the Father, Husband, Leader, Writer, Orator, Justice Interlocutor, Civil, and Human Rights Warrior.

Listen here to our 2022 Broadcast to honor Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.

The Papers of Martin Luther King, Jr. Volume VII: To Save The Soul of America, January 1961 – August 1962

Preserving the legacy of one of the twentieth century’s most influential advocates for peace and justice, The Papers of Martin Luther King, Jr., was described by one historian as being the “equivalent to a conversation” with King. To Save the Soul of America, the seventh volume of the anticipated fourteen-volume edition, provides an unprecedented glimpse into King’s early relationship with President John F. Kennedy and his efforts to remain relevant in a protest movement growing increasingly massive and militant.

Following Kennedy’s inauguration in January 1961, King’s high expectations for the new administration gave way to disappointment as the president hesitated to commit to comprehensive civil rights legislation. As the initial Freedom Ride catapulted King into the national spotlight in May, tensions with student activists affiliated with the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) were exacerbated after King refused to participate in subsequent freedom rides. These tensions became more evident after King accepted an invitation in December 1961 to help the SNCC-supported Albany Movement in southwest Georgia. King’s arrests in Albany prompted widespread national press coverage for the protests there, but he left with minimal tangible gains.

During 1962 King worked diligently to improve the effectiveness of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) by hiring new staff and initiating grassroots outreach. King also increased his influence by undertaking an overcrowded schedule of appearances, teaching a course at Morehouse College, and participating in an additional round of protests in Albany during July 1962. As King confronted these difficult challenges, he learned valuable lessons that would later influence the campaign to desegregate Birmingham, Alabama, in 1963.

The Cruelty Is the Point

“The Cruelty Is the Point: WHY TRUMP’S AMERICA ENDURES”

By Adam Serwer

BOOK OVERVIEW

“To many, our most shocking political crises appear unprecedented—un-American, even. But they are not, writes The Atlantic’s Adam Serwer in this prescient essay collection, which dissects the most devastating moments in recent memory to reveal deeply entrenched dynamics, patterns as old as the country itself. The January 6 insurrection, anti-immigrant sentiment, and American authoritarianism all have historic roots that explain their continued power with or without President Donald Trump—a fact borne out by what has happened since his departure from the White House.

Serwer argues that Trump is not the cause, he is a symptom. Serwer’s phrase “the cruelty is the point” became among the most-used descriptions of Trump’s era, but as this book demonstrates, it resonates across centuries. The essays here combine revelatory reporting, searing analysis, and a clarity that’s bracing. In this new, expanded version of his bestselling debut, Serwer elegantly dissects white supremacy’s profound influence on our political system, looking at the persistence of the Lost Cause, the past and present of police unions, the mythology of migration, and the many faces of anti-Semitism. In so doing, he offers abundant proof that our past is present and demonstrates the devastating costs of continuing to pretend it’s not. The Cruelty Is the Point dares us, the reader, to not look away.”

MORE about the book

ABOUT ADAM SERWER

Adam Serwer has been a staff writer for the Ideas section of The Atlantic since 2016, focusing on contemporary politics, often viewed through the lens of history. He is the recipient of the 2015 Sigma Delta Chi award for commentary,… More about Adam Serwer

“Playing the Numbers” ::: LIVE Feature Tonight

OUR COMMON GROUND with Janice Graham

Saturday, December 18, 2020 ∞ 10 pm EST ∞ LIVE

Tune In LIVE Here: http://bit.ly/OCGTruthTalk

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“Playing the Numbers”

FEATURE

Tonight we feature the history of and discuss “the numbers” game.

The numbers were a sprawling, Black-run business for decades.  In 1971, The NYTimes reported that an estimated “60 percent of the area’s economic life depends on cash flow from the numbers,” which employed an estimated 100,000 workers across the five boroughs. Numbers men also in many ways filled the void left by a formal economy indifferent to black residents’ needs: They bankrolled many small businesses, from bars to restaurants to corner groceries, and also saved many businesses from bankruptcy. These bankers helped get out the vote, buttressed black civil rights groups and contributed to Black political candidates’ campaigns.

In most of the history,  you may read the criminal aspects of the numbers, rather than the everyday-ness — the communal, reciprocal and congratulatory qualities. Only one image captures the whimsically designed “tip sheets” used to help players choose a number to play. Most of us are familiar with Sonny Boy Dream book,  Old Aunt Dinah’s Dream Book of Numbers, and Gypsy’s Witch Dream Book of Numbers, two of many simple yet illuminating publications used as bibles for numbers players. These encyclopedic books interpreted dreams by assigning three-digit numbers to different symbols, and nearly any image or experience that could appear in a dream. Each week, Sony Boy’s Numbers were published in the national Black newspaper, the Pittsburgh Courier.  Many remember, specifically in the South, numbers being referred to as “boleeta”.

Although the numbers racket targeted working-class and poor communities, and were unregulated and untaxed by the local governments, there was little, if any, stigma among blacks to being involved with policy. Numbers bosses nevertheless sought respectability by investing gambling profits in legitimate businesses. During the 1930s, Black baseball attracted a great deal of this money.

The Numbers was originally a Black community game. Then the NY mafia wanted In. It is an intriguing part of our cultural and economic history.

Updates and Discussion:

::: COVID-19 Vaccine

::: Stimulus Package

::: GA Senate Race

::: Evictions and Poverty Plunge

“I’ll Be Listening for You”

Janice

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HISTORY IS NOT ENOUGH :::: It Is Time to Bring Back Freedom Schools

Janice Off the Mic HISTORY IS NOT ENOUGH

Freedom Schools 64It Is Time to Bring Back Freedom Schools

Janice Graham↔

We have spent decades insisting that our children learn their history. We were right. But knowing the history of Black struggle is not the same as knowing how to continue it.

Our children must understand more than what their ancestors endured and accomplished. They must understand how those ancestors organized, challenged institutions, built economic resources, confronted public officials, demanded accountability, and exercised the rights of citizenship that had been denied them.

We have a model for this. We once called them Freedom Schools.

During the Civil Rights Movement, the Mississippi Freedom Schools and the Citizenship Schools associated with Septima Clark, Esau Jenkins and the Highlander tradition taught far more than reading, writing and Black history. They cultivated critical thinking, political consciousness, community leadership and the practical skills of organizing. The Mississippi Freedom Schools of 1964 encouraged young people to examine the conditions of their lives and consider how those conditions might be changed. Citizenship Schools helped adults acquire the literacy and civic knowledge necessary to exercise rights long denied them.

These were not simply educational programs. They were instruments of community empowerment. It is time to reclaim and expand that tradition.

I am proposing the establishment of the Ida B. Wells–Frederick Douglass–W.E.B. Du Bois Freedom Schools, a community-based youth service movement for political literacy, civic education,  financial education, civic responsibility, organizing and public service, grounded in Black cultural and historical consciousness.

Our churches, Black Greek-letter organizations, Boys & Girls Clubs, recreation centers, neighborhood associations, professional organizations and community institutions already possess much of the infrastructure needed to begin. They have buildings, meeting rooms, professional expertise, community relationships, and generations of experience. What is needed is the collective commitment to make the political and civic education of our young people an organized, sustained community responsibility.

The Freedom Schools need not wait for new buildings or another national bureaucracy. They can operate as Saturday academies, after-school programs, summer learning institutes, and dedicated civic education components within existing summer camps. Public schools, community centers, and youth-serving organizations can become partners in a coordinated network of local Freedom Schools.

And these cannot become another place where adults deliver speeches while children sit quietly listening.

They must become laboratories of citizenship.

Let our teenagers attend city council, county commission, and school board meetings. Let them learn to read public budgets, examine legislation, research community problems, prepare petitions and present their findings to elected officials and fellow residents. Let them organize neighborhood service projects, conduct community surveys, develop proposals and learn how to build coalitions.

Teach them financial literacy alongside political literacy. Banking, credit, debt, taxes, household budgets, entrepreneurship, public finance and the economic consequences of public policy belong in the same educational conversation. Young people should understand both how to manage their own resources and how the public collects, distributes, and spends resources.

Teach them to distinguish political performance from governing authority, representation from actual decision-making power, and public promises from measurable outcomes.

The Freedom Schools must also restore the traditions of debate, public speaking, oratory, and reasoned argument to our young people’s education. They should learn to research an issue, construct an argument, defend a position with evidence, listen critically, challenge an opposing argument, and speak persuasively before an audience.

These are not merely academic exercises. They are essential skills of leadership, citizenship and public accountability.

Every Freedom School should offer structured debate and public speaking instruction, with opportunities for local, regional and eventually national competitions. Imagine teenagers debating municipal spending priorities, housing policy, educational equity, public transportation and environmental conditions. Imagine them preparing testimony before school boards and city councils, conducting public forums, moderating community discussions and defending proposals they have researched and developed themselves.

Freedom SchoolThe great Black traditions of oratory and debate belong to this inheritance. Frederick Douglass, Ida B. Wells, W.E.B. Du Bois and generations of Black preachers, educators, organizers and public intellectuals demonstrated that the spoken word, grounded in knowledge and conviction, could challenge entrenched power and mobilize communities.

We should be preparing another generation capable of speaking with intellectual discipline, historical consciousness and moral clarity.

And every participating student should complete a community action project. Not a hypothetical classroom exercise, but meaningful work addressing an actual concern in the community where that young person lives, worships, learns or plays.

An annual Freedom Schools Youth Civic Congress could bring these young people together to debate public issues, deliver original speeches, present their community projects and demonstrate what they have learned about the responsibilities of citizenship. Their work should be evaluated not merely for eloquence, but for the quality of their research, the strength of their reasoning, their ability to listen and their capacity to work with others.

Freedom school 64 MississipiWe should not have to wait until our children reach college to introduce them to political organizing, public service or the obligations of citizenship. Nor should we assume that a high school civics course, however well taught, can substitute for direct participation in community life.

The history of Black liberation is also a history of institution-building. Our people created schools, mutual-aid societies, newspapers, churches, businesses and organizations because they understood that freedom required knowledge, resources, discipline and collective effort.

We must teach that history. Then we must teach its application.

The next generation should not inherit only the stories of the struggle. They should inherit the skills, the institutions and the confidence to carry forward the unfinished work of freedom and justice. They must also have the freedom to question, disagree, examine evidence and develop their own informed political judgments. That independence is part of the citizenship we seek to cultivate.

protest of young peopleCultural knowledge tells us who we are. Historical knowledge tells us how we got here. Political literacy teaches us how power works. Civic engagement teaches us how to exercise our agency within it.

We have the buildings. We have the history. We have the expertise. We have the children. What we need is the collective will to bring the Freedom Schools back to life.

Not as monuments to what our ancestors accomplished, but as living institutions preparing young people to understand their citizenship, exercise their rights, fulfill their responsibilities, and shape the communities they will inherit.

We are not simply proposing that our children learn about freedom. We are proposing that they learn how to exercise it.

THE CONVERSATION IS THE WORK. BUT THE WORK MUST ALSO LEAVE THE ROOM.

— Janice Graham

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AMERICA HAS A GUN PROBLEM. LET’S STOP HIDING IT BEHIND HEADLINES ::: Janice Off the Mic

AMERICA HAS A GUN PROBLEM. LET’S STOP HIDING IT BEHIND HEADLINES

RESPONSE TO REPORTING OF FAMU shooting incident on October 24, 2026    Tallahassee Democrat 

Eleven people were shot, including children, near Florida A&M University’s homecoming celebration. Another person was injured while fleeing. Families traumatized, a community shaken, and another American gathering transformed into a scene of terror.
The Tallahassee Democrat calls this a *mass shooting*. By a commonly used numerical definition, it is. But according to the preliminary police account, the gunfire followed an altercation involving two or three individuals. That distinction deserves examination. A violent personal confrontation that erupts into gunfire in a crowded public space is not necessarily the same kind of event as a gunman deliberately targeting a gathering of strangers. I suspect something here, but rarely outside of spiritual discussion do I make a statement that I cannot prove. But history does hold that evidence on this.
Both are horrifying. Both can produce mass casualties. But they are not necessarily the same circumstances, and responsible journalism should explain the difference rather than allow a headline to substitute for understanding.

America has a GUN problem. We have allowed personal disputes, grievances, arguments, and confrontations to become potentially deadly encounters because firearms are so readily available. People behave as though they are fighting in Fallujah, while innocent bystanders, including children, pay the price.

And where is the accountability of Congress and our state legislatures? The FL governor? Where is the sustained political will to confront the availability of guns, their misuse, and the conditions that permit ordinary disagreements to escalate into public bloodshed?
Instead, we count the wounded, express our sorrow, applaud first responders, and wait for the next shooting.
The people injured in Tallahassee deserve more than a sensational headline. They deserve answers, accountability, and a government willing to confront the epidemic of gun violence that continues to endanger American communities. The question is not merely how many people were shot. It is why we continue to tolerate a country in which a personal confrontation can leave eleven people with gunshot wounds.

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                        BOLD :: BRAVE :: BLACK

Transforming Truth to Power, One Broadcast At a Time

BLACK PUPPETS- Byron Donalds and the Price of Conditional Acceptance ::: Janice Off the Mic

BLACK PUPPETS

Byron Donalds and the Price of Conditional Acceptance

THE MATTER OF THE MATTER — Janice Off the Mic

I am not prepared to pay the price of celebrating, for the first time in Florida’s history, a Black person occupying the Governor’s Mansion if that achievement comes at the expense of Black political power, dignity, and the interests of the very people whose struggle made that possibility real.

We have paid that price far too many times. We have celebrated the first Black person to enter institutions that once excluded us, only to discover that the institution remained unchanged, its power undisturbed, and its obligations to Black people no greater than before. We have mistaken access for influence, visibility for representation, and individual achievement for collective progress.

There was a time when every first represented a breach in the walls of American racial exclusion. Those victories mattered. They were hard-won, and we should never diminish the struggle that made them possible. But we have learned something in the generations since. The presence of a Black person in a position of authority does not necessarily mean that Black people have gained any authority at all.

A first has no value as Black progress unless it opens the way for those who follow, expands the possibilities of those who remain excluded, and advances the collective power of the people whose history made that first possible.

Otherwise, we are being asked to celebrate the color of the person operating the machinery while ignoring what the machinery is doing to us.

And I, for one, am no longer willing to make that bargain.

There is another dimension to the prospect of Byron Donalds becoming Florida’s first Black governor that deserves examination: the response of those entrusted with the leadership of our historically Black colleges and universities. I wonder how many administrators will hesitate to challenge his candidacy or his policies, persuaded that the historic symbolism of a Black governor, or the practical need to maintain access to his administration, outweighs their obligation to examine what his leadership might mean for their institutions.

The dilemma is particularly consequential for Florida’s public HBCU, Florida A&M University, whose relationship with state government involves funding, oversight, appointments, and institutional priorities. Administrators must maintain working relationships with elected officials, regardless of party. But maintaining those relationships is not the same as endorsing their political agendas. Nor should institutional survival require silence when policies threaten academic freedom, educational opportunity, or the teaching of Black history.

There is a dangerous illusion in believing that the presence of a Black man in the Governor’s Mansion necessarily translates into greater security for Black institutions. It does not. The measure of that administration would be found in its budgets, appointments, educational policies, and willingness to protect the independence and historical mission of those institutions. A Black governor could strengthen those commitments, weaken them, or leave them unchanged. His racial identity alone tells us nothing about which course he would choose.

And this is where the seduction of the historic first becomes especially troubling. Our institutions cannot afford to confuse proximity with protection or ceremonial recognition with substantive support. The history of Black higher education is a history of institutions built and sustained against extraordinary political and economic resistance. Their leaders inherit an obligation greater than securing an invitation to the Governor’s Mansion.

The question is not whether a Black governor will welcome Black university presidents into his office. It is whether those presidents will retain the independence to challenge him when the interests of their institutions and students demand it.

Black representation does not automatically mean Black political power. Too often, it becomes the machinery through which power is exercised against Black people.

There is a particular kind of political betrayal that deserves more than the customary language of disappointment. It is not simply the abandonment of Black interests. It is the deliberate decision to become an instrument of political forces working against those interests, to use one’s Blackness as a credential of legitimacy while participating in the dismantling of the protections, institutions, and opportunities that generations of Black struggle made possible.

Gray-Haired Witnesses for Justice

My grandmother would have called such people race traitors. She would not have wasted much time explaining herself. She understood that there were always people willing to exchange the collective interests of their people for the privileges of proximity to those who controlled the money, the property, the law, and the machinery of government.

But I have another name for the contemporary political actors who perform this function.

Slave catchers.

Not because the historical institution of slavery and contemporary political life are interchangeable. They are not. But because the historical slave catcher was more than a man pursuing someone who had escaped bondage. He was an agent of a system determined to deny Black people the right to determine the conditions of their own existence. He helped enforce a political and economic order in which Black freedom was regarded as a threat to someone else’s wealth and power.

Today, the machinery is different. There are elections, legislative chambers, cabinet departments, executive orders, government contracts, political appointments, and television cameras. The chains are not the same. Neither are the laws. But the question of who is recruited to enforce the boundaries of Black freedom remains worth asking.

And that brings me to Byron Donalds.

Byron Donalds: The Price of Being Useful

Why Byron Donalds?

Why would a political movement that wraps itself in law and order, personal responsibility, merit, and moral superiority so enthusiastically embrace a Black man whose own encounters with the criminal justice system required precisely the discretion and second chances that its political rhetoric so often condemns?

Donalds, now seeking the governorship of Florida, has a criminal history that includes a misdemeanor marijuana case and a separate felony bribery charge resolved through a diversion program and ultimately dismissed. He does not have a felony conviction arising from that case. The distinction matters, but so does the larger history.

He was given an opportunity to move beyond those encounters with the law, complete his education, build a career, enter public life, and pursue one of the most powerful offices in Florida. I do not begrudge him those opportunities. I believe in second chances. I believe that the circumstances of one’s youth should not necessarily determine the possibilities of one’s future. But I wonder how much of that understanding Byron Donalds extends to the Black and poor young men who find themselves entangled in the same criminal justice system that allowed him to move forward.

There is something particularly revealing about a man who benefits from institutional discretion and then aligns himself with a political movement that so frequently substitutes punishment for opportunity, personal condemnation for structural understanding, and political theater for justice. It is not Donald’s criminal history that disqualifies him from political leadership. It is the contradiction between the opportunities he received and the policies he is willing to support that deserves examination.

The Moral Contradiction: Donald Trump

And then there is Donald Trump.

For Black people of good faith and goodwill, those who still listen to the whispers of their history, Donald Trump represents something profoundly indecent. I regard him as a rabid racist, a man whose public conduct has repeatedly demonstrated contempt for truth, decency, moral responsibility, and the dignity of others. Vile in his rhetoric, immoral in his conduct, and seemingly amoral in his exercise of power, he embodies much of what generations of Black struggle have sought to confront and overcome.

And so I find myself asking a question that goes well beyond political affiliation. Why would a Black man who has himself benefited from forgiveness, who claims the possibility of redemption and a transformed life, so enthusiastically embrace a man whose public life so frequently demonstrates the very absence of those virtues?

What does Byron Donalds see in Donald Trump that makes such an embrace not merely acceptable but worthy of his public devotion? Is it the promise of political advancement? The seduction of proximity to power? The prospect of wealth, influence, and acceptance among men whose political movement so often treats the history of Black struggle as an inconvenience to be dismissed?

I cannot know what resides in Donald’s heart. But I can judge the company he has chosen, the conduct he is willing to excuse, and the policies he has helped advance. And I can ask what happens to a man’s moral judgment when political ambition requires him to defend what he might otherwise recognize as indefensible.

There is a difference between receiving redemption and understanding its moral obligations. Redemption ought to deepen one’s appreciation for mercy, justice, human dignity, and the possibility of transformation. It ought not become merely a personal exemption from standards one is willing to impose upon everybody else.

What good is the redemption of one Black man if, having received it, he lends his political power to a movement that would make redemption harder for others to obtain?

And perhaps that is the most disturbing question of all. Has Byron Donalds mistaken the opportunity to rise within this political machinery for evidence that the machinery itself is righteous?

Trump’s embrace of Donalds is instructive. Here is a political leader whose movement regularly demands harsh judgment of people who violate the law, yet finds room for redemption when the individual in question serves its political purposes. Apparently, the standards are not nearly as inflexible as the rhetoric suggests.

Donalds has made himself one of Trump’s most recognizable Black political defenders. He has embraced the president’s agenda, supported his legislative priorities, and sought to translate that loyalty into political advancement. Trump, in turn, endorsed Donalds’ gubernatorial ambitions.

What an arrangement. One man receives a highly visible Black advocate for his political agenda. The other receives the endorsement, access, and political support of a powerful president. But what do Black Floridians receive?

That is the question that interests me. Not whether Donalds is sufficiently grateful to Trump. Not whether Trump likes him. Not whether Donalds is welcomed into rooms where other Black people may never be invited. The question is whether any of that proximity produces independent political power for the people whose history and struggle helped make Donalds’s career possible. And there is an important distinction here.

Representation answers the question of who is present. Agency answers the question of who determines what happens.

A Black face can be placed at the head of an institution while the institution’s commitment to racial equity is being weakened. A Black elected official can defend an agenda that diminishes the power of communities that have historically been excluded. And a Black political spokesman can be elevated precisely because his presence makes that agenda more difficult to challenge as racially consequential.

The system does not have to exclude every Black person to maintain racial inequality. It can reward selected Black people for helping preserve it.

The Record Behind the Representation

Donalds’s political record gives us considerably more to examine than his personal relationship with Trump.

He supported the administration’s sweeping 2025 tax-and-spending legislation, which combined tax provisions with major changes to Medicaid, SNAP, and other federal programs. Those changes have consequences for economically vulnerable households, including Black families already confronting disproportionate barriers to wealth, health care, and economic security.

He supported legislation imposing new documentary proof-of-citizenship requirements for voter registration, despite concerns that such requirements could create additional obstacles for eligible citizens who lack ready access to the required documents.

These are not merely abstract ideological preferences. They are legislative choices affecting the conditions under which people obtain assistance, exercise political rights, and participate in American democracy.

Donalds and his allies argue that these policies encourage responsibility, protect election integrity, reduce government dependency, and restore fiscal discipline. But the rhetoric of responsibility cannot substitute for an examination of consequences. When eligibility requirements become more burdensome, when public protections are reduced, and when the exercise of citizenship becomes more administratively difficult, the question is who bears the cost.

We know enough about the racial and economic history of this country to understand that formally race-neutral policies do not necessarily produce racially neutral outcomes.

And this is where Donalds’s political ambitions become particularly consequential. He is not simply defending these policies from a seat in Congress. He is seeking to become governor of Florida, a state whose history of racial exclusion, voter suppression, unequal schooling, and resistance to Black political power is neither distant nor irrelevant.

What does it mean for Florida to elect its first Black governor if that governor embraces policies that weaken the collective political and economic agency of Black Floridians?

It would be a historic first. But historic firsts are not necessarily historic progress.

Black people have struggled too long and sacrificed too much to confuse the individual advancement of a Black politician with the advancement of Black political power.

The Price of Conditional Acceptance

There is something else about Byron Donalds that I find astonishing. He appears to believe that the machinery he serves will make a permanent exception for him.

That is either an extraordinary misreading of American racial history or an extraordinary act of political self-deception.

The machinery of white supremacy has never required that every Black person be excluded from its operations. It has always found uses for selected Black people willing to defend its arrangements, validate its authority, or help discipline those who challenge it. Their inclusion does not necessarily signal the abandonment of racial hierarchy. Sometimes it is one of the methods through which that hierarchy is maintained.

And here is the part that Donalds ought to understand:

Being useful to power is not the same as possessing power.

He may enjoy the invitations, the photographs, the endorsements, the campaign support, and the applause. He may believe that his loyalty has purchased a place beyond the reach of the racial prejudices that his political allies so often dismiss or deny. But history offers little reason to assume that acceptance purchased through political usefulness is unconditional.

What happens when his usefulness expires? When his ambitions interfere with someone else’s? When his presence no longer serves the narrative? When the political movement that celebrates him today finds it more advantageous to discard him tomorrow?

He may discover that the privileges of proximity are not the protections of equality.

And that is what makes participation in the contemporary politics of Black erasure so profoundly troubling. The issue is not merely standing aside while the history of Black struggle is diminished. It is helping legitimize an agenda that weakens the institutions, protections, and public understanding through which Black Americans have sought to secure equal citizenship.

The great irony is that the Black history Donalds appears willing to subordinate to his political ambitions is the very history that explains why he can occupy the positions he holds.

He did not create those opportunities alone. He inherited the fruits of struggles waged by people who refused to accept the boundaries imposed upon them.

The right to vote, the ability to compete for public office, the expectation of equal treatment under law, and the dismantling of legal segregation were not gifts from a benevolent political establishment. They were wrested from that establishment through generations of Black resistance, organizing, litigation, sacrifice, and political confrontation.

There is a special indecency in climbing through doors opened by collective Black sacrifice and then participating in efforts that make those doors harder for others to enter.

Donalds seems to have mistaken admission for acceptance, access for authority, and personal advancement for collective liberation.

And if he has placed himself so completely within Trump’s political embrace, what does that make him?

Not necessarily a partner in power. Perhaps an especially valuable instrument of someone else’s power.

The machinery does not promise loyalty to those who operate it. It demands loyalty from them.

And when they are no longer useful, there is no reason to assume it will protect them from the same forces they helped empower.

And Donalds Is Hardly Alone

Oh, and then there are Scott Turner and Tim Scott.

Turner, the Black Secretary of Housing and Urban Development, presides over the federal department charged with advancing fair housing. Yet under his leadership, HUD has withdrawn important regulatory requirements intended to compel communities receiving federal housing assistance to examine and address barriers to fair housing.

Think about that.

Women in Housing and Finance

Scott Turner, Secretary of Housing and Urban Development

The federal government’s affirmative fair-housing responsibilities emerged from a history in which government itself helped construct and sustain residential segregation. The struggle was not simply to prohibit an individual landlord from refusing to rent to a Black family. It was to confront the structural arrangements through which entire communities had been denied equal access to housing, schools, transportation, public investment, and the accumulation of wealth.

And now a Black cabinet secretary is helping reverse important elements of the federal framework designed to address those arrangements.

Turner describes his actions as restoring local control and reducing regulatory burdens. But local control has a long and complicated history in Black America. It was frequently the language through which racial exclusion was defended, and federal intervention resisted.

The question is not whether every local government will discriminate. It is why a federal official charged with advancing fair housing would reduce mechanisms designed to hold those governments accountable for addressing persistent barriers.

Media Tip Sheet: Tim Scott 2024 Presidential Campaign | Media Relations | The George Washington University

Tim Scott, U.S. Senator and Senate Banking Committee chairman

And Senator Tim Scott? Don’t get me started. Well, I do have to fall out laughing because this cretin thinks he is really regal !! LMFAO

As chairman of the Senate Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs Committee, Scott has used his institutional authority to advance financial deregulation, including the congressional effort to overturn a Consumer Financial Protection Bureau rule intended to limit certain overdraft fees at large financial institutions.

Scott argues that such regulations restrict consumer choice and access to financial services. But overdraft charges fall heavily on financially vulnerable households. The competing interests are not difficult to identify.

Scott has also promoted Opportunity Zones and other market-based approaches to economic development. Some may produce meaningful benefits. But the existence of individual investment opportunities does not answer the larger question of whether Black communities gain durable economic power, ownership, and control.

Here again, we encounter the distinction between economic inclusion and economic empowerment.

Economic inclusion may allow selected Black individuals to acquire wealth, appointments, influence, and access to capital. Economic empowerment requires something more: the ability of Black communities to shape the economic conditions under which they live, work, build institutions, accumulate assets, and determine their futures.

The two are not interchangeable.

Donalds, Turner, and Scott occupy different positions. Their authority differs. Their individual records are not identical. But each has helped advance elements of a political agenda that reduces federal intervention in areas where federal intervention has historically been essential to confronting racial and economic inequality.

And each offers something politically valuable to that agenda: a prominent Black voice defending its legitimacy.

That is not proof of their private motives. I cannot know what bargains they have made with themselves or what they believe they will ultimately receive. But I can examine the public consequences of the policies they defend.

And I can ask why men who have benefited so substantially from the expansion of Black opportunity are willing to participate in a political project that threatens to narrow it.

The Matter of the Matter

I am not interested in the familiar defense that Black people are entitled to be conservatives. Of course they are. Black political independence includes the right to choose one’s ideology, party, and political associations. Nor am I interested in measuring anyone’s Blackness by whether they agree with me.

I am interested in something far more consequential: what happens when Black political figures lend their authority, credibility, and institutional power to political forces whose policies diminish the collective agency of Black Americans?

There is an old American practice of making room for selected Black individuals without making room for Black collective power. It permits access without surrendering control. It celebrates individual success while treating demands for structural change as unnecessary, excessive, or illegitimate.

What makes that arrangement particularly dangerous is that its beneficiaries can become its most persuasive defenders. Their own advancement becomes the exhibit offered to prove that the barriers confronting everyone else no longer matter.

And that is where Black representation becomes political camouflage.

The existence of a Black cabinet secretary does not prove that housing policy serves Black families. The election of a Black senator does not establish that financial policy protects Black consumers. And the prospect of a Black governor does not guarantee that the political rights and economic interests of Black Floridians will be advanced.

Their presence can instead become an answer to an accusation that their policies have never adequately answered.

My grandmother understood something about the people who sought privilege through accommodation to systems of racial domination. She understood that the question was never simply who was permitted inside the master’s house. It was what they were prepared to do once they entered, and whether they would help maintain the boundaries that kept everyone else outside.

She called them race traitors. I call their political function something harsher. Slave catching. Black cleansing.

Not because contemporary political office is equivalent to the enforcement of chattel slavery, but because I recognize the danger when people who have benefited from Black struggle lend their authority to political efforts that restrict Black freedom and agency.

And perhaps the cruelest irony is that they may discover, when their political usefulness has ended, that the system they helped sustain never regarded their inclusion as a commitment to their equality.

It merely found them useful. The presence of Black hands on the machinery does not change what the machinery is designed to do. And Black representation without independent Black political power may be little more than the decoration of our own subjugation.

 

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LISA COOK AND THE FRAGILITY OF PRESUMED WHITE SUPERIORITY ::: Janice Off the Mic

“White supremacy does not require proof of white superiority to survive. It requires the power to enforce racial hierarchy despite evidence that contradicts it.”

LISA COOK AND THE FRAGILITY OF PRESUMED WHITE SUPERIORITY

THE MATTER OF THE MATTER — Janice Off the Mic

October 9, 2026 | OUR COMMON GROUND

Trump sets up committee to investigate, potentially remove the Fed's Lisa Cook - POLITICOWhat if Donald Trump’s relentless pursuit of Federal Reserve Governor Lisa Cook is about something more fundamental than control of the Federal Reserve? What if the deeper issue is the challenge that accomplished Black Americans present to the mythology of inherent white superiority?

I have been thinking about this as Trump launches yet another investigation into Lisa Cook, the first Black woman to serve on the Federal Reserve Board of Governors. On October 7, he established a committee of his own administration officials to examine allegations concerning Cook’s mortgage documents. She has been ordered to appear at a closed White House hearing on November 5. This follows his unsuccessful attempt to remove her without the procedural protections the Supreme Court subsequently affirmed.

Cook denies wrongdoing. Her attorneys maintain that the allegations do not establish grounds for dismissal. Yet Trump persists.

The conventional explanation is that Trump wants control of the Federal Reserve. Certainly, he has demonstrated a willingness to pressure the central bank over interest rates. But his own appointee, Kevin Warsh, already chairs the institution, and other Trump appointees serve on its Board. He has substantial influence, though not an assured majority of its seven governors.

So why this extraordinary determination to remove Lisa Cook?

I am increasingly interested in a question that reaches beyond Cook, beyond the Federal Reserve, and perhaps beyond the usual explanations of Trump’s political retribution.

What happens when the accomplishments of Black Americans expose the fiction upon which presumed white superiority has rested?

The answer is not that Black achievement makes white supremacy impossible to sustain. American history has already demonstrated otherwise. The answer is that Black achievement makes the ideology of inherent white superiority impossible to defend on its own stated merits.

White supremacy does not require proof of white superiority to survive. It requires the power to enforce racial hierarchy despite evidence that contradicts it.

That distinction matters enormously.

Trump “fires” Lisa Cook, escalating his war on the Federal ReserveThe Difference Between Privilege and Achievement

Donald Trump is an instructive figure through whom to examine this contradiction.

He entered business with the advantages of family wealth, an established real estate enterprise, inherited relationships, and access to capital. His public identity as a self-made business genius was cultivated for decades, even as investigations documented the extent of his father’s financial support.

He earned a degree from the University of Pennsylvania’s Wharton School. That credential is genuine. But the prestige of an institution is not, by itself, proof of exceptional academic accomplishment. Nor is inherited wealth evidence of superior business judgment.

His business record includes substantial ventures, failures, corporate bankruptcies, litigation, and findings of misconduct. His celebrity was further elevated through television, where the image of the decisive, extraordinarily successful executive became part of the product being sold to the American public.

Trump has undeniably demonstrated an ability to cultivate a public brand and win elections. But electoral victory, celebrity, and wealth are not interchangeable with administrative competence, ethical leadership, or independently demonstrated professional expertise.

These distinctions matter because American institutions have too often confused possession of privilege with proof of merit.

Consider the contrast with Barack Obama, Lloyd Austin, and Lisa Cook.

Obama’s path to the presidency included academic distinction, constitutional scholarship, public service, and two national electoral victories. Austin rose through decades of military service to become a four-star general and the first Black secretary of defense. Cook earned a doctorate in economics, established an academic and research career, and became the first Black woman appointed to the Federal Reserve Board.

Their records are not identical, and none should be exempt from criticism. But their qualifications and accomplishments are documented through institutions and processes that extend beyond inherited financial advantage or personal publicity.

The question is not whether Donald Trump has achieved anything. It is whether the public standards used to validate his leadership are the same standards used to evaluate accomplished Black Americans.

And whether the difference tells us something about the racial distribution of presumed legitimacy.

Barack Obama and the Challenge to Presumed Authority

We should begin with Barack Obama because Trump’s antagonism toward him provides one of the clearest examples of a challenge to Black political legitimacy.

For years, Trump promoted the false claim that Obama was not born in the United States. It was not merely a dispute over presidential policy. It was a challenge to whether the first Black president was constitutionally entitled to occupy the office.

Obama’s election had already answered the constitutional and democratic question. He had been elected by the American people. Yet his legitimacy remained the object of a sustained political attack.

There is an important historical distinction between challenging a president’s policies and challenging his right to hold office.

Trump’s birther campaign belonged to the second category.

I cannot claim to know whether personal envy, racial resentment, political calculation, or some combination of these motivated Trump’s conduct. But the racial history of questioning Black Americans’ rightful presence in positions of authority makes the nature of that attack significant.

Obama’s presidency demonstrated that the office historically occupied by white men was not their exclusive entitlement.

And that demonstration could not be undone simply by attacking Obama’s policies.

Lisa Cook and the Demand to Prove Legitimacy Again

Now consider Lisa Cook.

She occupies a position of extraordinary institutional responsibility. Her appointment was historic, but her presence on the Federal Reserve Board was not simply a ceremonial act of racial inclusion. She was nominated, confirmed, and entrusted with responsibilities central to the nation’s economic governance.

Her appointment did not make her immune from investigation or accountability. No public official should enjoy such immunity.

But accountability must be grounded in evidence, consistent standards, and lawful procedure.

Trump’s attempt to remove Cook has already produced an extraordinary constitutional confrontation. The Supreme Court held that the president could not remove a Federal Reserve governor without adequate cause and procedural protections.

Now the president has assembled a committee of his own officials to investigate the allegations and recommend whether Cook should be removed.

Among those officials is Andrea Lucas, chair of the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. The presence of the nation’s chief federal equal employment enforcement official on a presidential committee investigating mortgage allegations against a Black woman governor is particularly striking.

The administration describes this as an inquiry into possible misconduct. Cook’s attorneys dispute the allegations and question the fairness of a process established by a president who has already sought her removal.

The evidence must determine whether any legal grounds for dismissal exist. But the larger political question remains.

Why has the president invested so much effort in removing this particular governor?

The answer may involve institutional control. It may involve political retaliation. The racial dimension also deserves serious investigation, especially when viewed alongside the administration’s treatment of diversity initiatives, Black federal leadership, and the public recognition of Black achievement.

These explanations are not mutually exclusive.

When Black Achievement Becomes an Institutional Contradiction

This is where the history becomes indispensable.

The ideology of white supremacy has never been sustained by credible evidence that white people possess inherently superior intelligence, competence, character, or leadership ability.

It has been sustained through the unequal distribution of power and opportunity, accompanied by narratives that present those inequalities as natural or deserved.

Enslaved Africans demonstrated intellectual, technical, agricultural, organizational, and political abilities while the institution of slavery insisted upon their inferiority. Black Americans established schools, churches, businesses, political organizations, and governing institutions during Reconstruction while white supremacist movements sought to destroy their political power.

Their accomplishments did not cause the defenders of racial hierarchy to abandon their beliefs. Instead, those defenders frequently attacked the institutions through which Black achievement could be recognized and translated into authority.

The contradiction was not resolved. It was suppressed.

This history offers a framework for examining the present, though it does not establish that every contemporary personnel decision is racially motivated.

When Black Americans achieve authority within institutions historically controlled by white leadership, their presence challenges the assumption that racial hierarchy reflects natural differences in ability.

And when those achievements are formally recognized, the challenge becomes institutional rather than merely symbolic.

It is no longer enough to insist that Black people are incapable of leadership when the record demonstrates otherwise.

The alternative is to question their qualifications, challenge their legitimacy, diminish their accomplishments, or remove the institutional recognition those accomplishments have received.

That is why the broader federal campaign against diversity programs, the removal of historical materials documenting Black achievement, and changes in federal and military leadership deserve examination together.

They are not automatically evidence of a single motive or coordinated racial plan. But their cumulative consequences for Black institutional presence and historical recognition cannot be dismissed without scrutiny.

The Matter of the Matter

I began with Lisa Cook, but this is not simply about one Federal Reserve governor.

It is about the standards by which America recognizes achievement and confers legitimacy.

It is about a society in which inherited advantages can be celebrated as evidence of exceptional individual merit, while accomplished Black professionals may find their qualifications and rightful authority subjected to recurring challenges.

And it is about the distinction between possessing power and deserving the presumption of superiority that power has historically conferred.

Donald Trump’s public career provides a revealing case through which to examine these questions. His inherited advantages, cultivated business mythology, electoral successes, and documented controversies invite scrutiny of what America has accepted as evidence of leadership.

His continuing pursuit of Lisa Cook raises a different but related question: whether Black professional authority is being subjected to standards of legitimacy that are inconsistently applied.

The answer requires evidence, not assumptions about the president’s private thoughts.

But the underlying historical proposition is unmistakable.

Black achievement does not make white supremacy impossible to sustain. It makes the ideology of inherent white superiority impossible to defend on its own stated merits.

That is why the preservation of Black history, the protection of institutional independence, and the recognition of earned Black accomplishment are connected struggles.

Because the existence of accomplished Black Americans is not an exception to an otherwise credible theory of white superiority.

It is evidence that the theory itself was false. And no amount of political authority can make it true.

 

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BLACK STRUGGLE SINGULARLY MADE AMERICA CONFRONT DEMOCRACY ::: Part II: When Black Freedom Forced Constitutional Reconstruction

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BLACK STRUGGLE SINGULARLY MADE AMERICA CONFRONT DEMOCRACY

Part II: When Black Freedom Forced Constitutional Reconstruction

This is Part II of a four-part Scribbling Truth series examining how Black struggle repeatedly forced the United States to confront the distance between its democratic promises and its democratic practice.

The Civil War ended slavery as a functioning national institution. It did not settle the meaning of Black freedom. That distinction matters.

America had spent nearly a century constructing a republic in which liberty could coexist with the enslavement of millions of Black people. The Constitution had accommodated that contradiction. American law had protected it. American commerce had profited from it. American political power had repeatedly negotiated around it.

Then slavery ended. Suddenly the question America had postponed since its founding could no longer be avoided: What did freedom actually mean if the formerly enslaved were now to live as free people inside the American republic?

Freedom from ownership was one answer. Citizenship was another. Equal protection under law was another. The right to participate in government was another still. Black freedom was about to force America to reconsider all of them.

EMANCIPATION WAS NOT ENOUGH

The Emancipation Proclamation was revolutionary, but it was not the constitutional end of slavery. It applied to enslaved people in areas in rebellion against the United States. The constitutional prohibition came with the 13th Amendment, ratified in December 1865, which abolished slavery throughout the United States, except as punishment for crime. The nation had finally removed legal human bondage from the constitutional order.

But abolishing slavery answered only one question. It said what Black people could no longer legally be. It did not fully establish what Black people were now entitled to become.

The distinction became immediately apparent. Southern legislatures began adopting Black Codes designed to restrict the freedom of formerly enslaved people. Those laws limited movement, employment, economic independence, legal rights, and political participation. The former Confederate states were demonstrating that slavery could be abolished while racial domination survived. America therefore confronted another question. Could Black freedom exist without Black citizenship? Congress eventually answered with a constitutional transformation.

THE CONSTITUTION HAD TO CHANGE

The 13th, 14th and 15th Amendments are commonly taught as the Reconstruction Amendments. But that familiar phrase can obscure how radical their combined proposition was.

The Constitution that had once accommodated slavery was being rewritten because Black freedom had made the old constitutional settlement untenable.

The 13th Amendment abolished sla

very.

The 14th Amendment, ratified in 1868, declared that people born or naturalized in the United States were citizens and prohibited states from depriving persons of life, liberty or property without due process or denying them equal protection of the laws. In doing so, it overturned the constitutional logic of Dred Scott, which had denied Black people national citizenship.

Then came the 15th Amendment, ratified in 1870, prohibiting the denial or abridgment of voting rights on account of race, color or previous condition of servitude.

Consider what had happened. Within five years, the United States Constitution had moved from protecting a political order built partly upon Black enslavement to abolishing slavery, establishing Black citizenship and constitutionally protecting Black male political participation. This was not simply the admission of Black people into an unchanged democracy.

Black freedom had forced a reconstruction of American democracy itself. And then Black people began to use it.

FREEDOM BECAME ACTION

One of the great distortions of Reconstruction history has been the tendency to portray formerly enslaved people principally as recipients of freedom, waiting for the federal government or benevolent white reformers to determine what freedom would become.

Black people did not wait.

They searched for family members who had been sold away. They negotiated wages. They sought land. They established churches. They organized politically. They created newspapers. And with an urgency that tells us something profound about what slavery had denied them, they pursued education.

By 1870, more than 240,000 students were attending more than 4,000 schools established for Black education. Black educators helped create schools through the Freedmen’s Bureau, while institutions including Howard University, Fisk University, and Hampton Institute emerged during the period. Black churches became not merely houses of worship but centers of community organization and pathways into civic leadership.

Freedom was becoming infrastructure. Then freedom became political power. Black men voted. Black men served in state legislatures. Black men became judges, sheriffs, local officials, and constitutional convention delegates. And Black men entered the Congress of the United States.

In 1870, Hiram Revels of Mississippi entered the United States Senate, and Joseph Rainey of South Carolina entered the House of Representatives. Before that decade ended, 14 Black Representatives and two Black Senators had served in Congress, all representing Southern states.

Pause there.

Men born into a society in which Black people could be legally bought and sold were now participating in making the laws of the United States. Joseph Rainey had been born enslaved. He would become the first Black member of the House of Representatives and later the first Black American to preside over the House. This was more than representation. It was evidence that the meaning of American citizenship itself was being contested and reconstructed.

Blk reps reconstructionBLACK POLITICAL POWER CHANGED THE QUESTION

There is a tendency to describe Reconstruction principally as a period of federal policy: what Congress enacted, what presidents supported or resisted, what the Freedmen’s Bureau administered, and what constitutional amendments were ratified.

All of that matters. But something else was happening. Black people were demonstrating what freedom looked like when it became political. That distinction is essential to this series. The great democratic confrontation was no longer simply whether white America would free Black people. The question had become whether white America would tolerate Black people exercising the power that freedom supposedly conferred.

  • Would Black citizens vote?
  • Would they hold office?
  • Would they participate in writing state constitutions?
  • Would they tax citizens to finance public education?
  • Would they sit on juries?
  • Would they own property?
  • Would they testify in court?
  • Would they help determine who governed?
  • Would they participate in governing?

The transformation was breathtaking precisely because the country had been organized around the opposite assumption. Black people had moved, in constitutional terms, from property to citizens. And citizenship carries power.

THEN CAME THE RESPONSE

The reaction was not merely disagreement over Reconstruction policy. It was organized resistance to Black citizenship and Black political power.

The Ku Klux Klan, founded in 1865, targeted Black freedpeople and their allies through threats, beatings and murder. Black voters, political organizers, ministers, teachers and Republican officials became targets. Violence sometimes escalated into assaults upon entire Black communities.

The federal government responded with the Enforcement Acts of 1870 and 1871, using national authority to protect voting rights and suppress political terrorism. For a time, federal prosecution significantly weakened the Klan.

That history exposes something important.

If Black voting had been meaningless, no terrorism would have been required to suppress it. If Black officeholding had been inconsequential, no violent campaign would have been necessary to destroy it. If Reconstruction had produced no transfer of political power, there would have been little reason to overthrow it. The violence itself tells us what was at stake.

Black citizenship had become Black political power.

And Black political power had changed the distribution of American democracy.

THE DEMOCRATIC TEST

This is where Reconstruction becomes larger than a chapter in Black history. The nation had been forced to decide whether the principles it proclaimed could survive their application to Black people. The answer was written into the Constitution. Slavery could not coexist with freedom. Citizenship could not remain racially exclusive. States could not claim unlimited authority over the fundamental rights of Black citizens. Race could not constitutionally be used to deny a citizen the vote. These were not marginal adjustments.

The National Archives describes the Reconstruction Amendments as accomplishing extraordinarily rapid social and political change: slavery abolished, citizenship established and voting rights constitutionally protected within five years.

But constitutional democracy exists not only in words.

It exists in whether a nation will enforce those words when doing so changes who possesses power. And that was where America’s commitment began to falter.

As federal commitment weakened during the 1870s, white Southern political movements regained control of state governments. Violence, political intimidation and legal challenges steadily narrowed the protections Reconstruction had created. By 1877, the period in which the federal government had accepted a direct responsibility for protecting the rights of formerly enslaved people had effectively ended.

But the Constitution had already been changed. The promises remained. Citizenship. Equal protection. Due process. Voting rights.

America would spend generations attempting to avoid the full meaning of those promises. And Black Americans would spend generations forcing the nation to confront them again.

That is the pattern. Black struggle forces an expansion of American democracy. That expansion produces Black political possibility. Black political possibility produces resistance.

And resistance attempts to make constitutional rights exist on paper while denying their exercise in life. Reconstruction did not fail because Black people were incapable of citizenship. Its history demonstrates something almost exactly opposite.

Black people exercised citizenship so quickly and so consequentially that enormous political and violent machinery was mobilized to take its power away.

The next American confrontation with democracy would therefore not begin with the question of whether Black people were citizens.

The Constitution had already answered that. It would begin with a different question:

Could America construct a system in which Black people remained citizens in law while being stripped of the power of citizenship in practice?

The answer would become Jim Crow.

 

Continued in Part III: When America Retreated from Black Democracy

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OUR COMMON GROUND with Janice Graham

BLACK HISTORY IS EVIDENCE ::: Janice Off the Mic

Janice Off the Mic

BLACK HISTORY IS EVIDENCE

Erasure Is the Point: What America Loses When It Removes Black History from the National Story

IN RESPONSE

This commentary is written in response to The Guardian’s September 12 interview with Lonnie G. Bunch III, founding director of the National Museum of African American History and Culture and outgoing Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution.

Secretary Dr. Lonnie G. Bunch III, who who shepherded the creation of the National Museum for African American History and Culture.

Smithsonian Secretary and founding Director of NMAAH, Dr. Lonnie G. Bunch III

In the interview, Bunch discusses the extraordinary political pressure placed upon the Smithsonian as the Trump administration has sought to reshape how the nation’s museums present American history. The administration has accused the Smithsonian of advancing a divisive, race-centered interpretation of the country. It has demanded changes intended to emphasize American achievement and a more celebratory national narrative. Bunch rejects that characterization, arguing that confronting the country’s conflicts and contradictions is essential to understanding how America became what it is.

Most important for what follows, Bunch identifies the boundary he would not cross. The Guardian reports that he had one “fundamental red line”: erasing no one’s history, because he comes from a community whose histories have themselves been erased.

That is the point.

This is not simply about revising Black history. It is about erasing it. And we need to understand exactly what is being erased.

When the history of American chattel slavery is removed, softened, or pushed out of public view, that does not erase only Black history. It erases white American history as well. The transatlantic slave trade, the buying and selling of human beings, the plantations, the banks and businesses that profited from slavery, the laws that protected it, the governments that enforced it, and the political compromises that sustained it are part of white America’s history.

And the survival of that system is Black history. The resistance to it is Black history. The families created and sustained in spite of it are Black history. Emancipation, Reconstruction, the building of Black institutions, the fight against Jim Crow and the continuing struggle to force America to honor the citizenship it promised are Black history.

But together, all of it is American history.

That is why removing this history from museums, national parks and other public spaces is so consequential. A museum does more than preserve objects. It establishes public memory. It tells the generations walking through its doors: This happened. These people were here. These people did this. These people endured this. These people resisted. And these events helped create the country we now live in.

Erase the evidence, and eventually you can erase the accountability.

There was an extraordinary irony on the National Mall this Fourth of July. When severe thunderstorms struck during the Freedom 250 celebration, the National Mall was evacuated, and attendees were directed to emergency shelters. Among those shelters was the National Museum of African American History and Culture. Thousands of people attending the celebration, including Trump supporters, sought refuge there from the storm.

Think about that.

People gathered for a celebration of America took physical refuge inside a building dedicated to preserving a history that some in power are trying to recast, diminish or remove from the national story.

They took shelter beneath the roof of Black memory.

That museum exists because Black history could not safely be left to the benevolence of national memory. Too much had already been omitted, distorted, romanticized, or simply forgotten. And now the battle is not merely over what interpretation will appear beside an artifact. The larger battle is over what America will be permitted to remember about itself. Just yesterday, inside the very museum he fought to create, Bunch returned to precisely this question.

 

Secretary Lonnie Bunch, Smithsonian

Secretary Dr. Lonnie G. Bunch III, who shepherded the creation of the National Museum for African American History and Culture.

Speaking at the National Museum of African American History and Culture’s 10th anniversary celebration on Friday, September 25, he rejected the notion that confronting the darkest portions of American history is somehow an act against the country. He called slavery “foundational” to understanding the United States and argued that the responsibility of museums is to illuminate the whole history, not simply those portions that make the nation comfortable.

“You cannot understand the greatness of a country without understanding the totality of a country,” Bunch said. “You cannot understand all without illuminating the dark corners. Curating means let’s shine the light. Let’s tell the truth.”

And therein lies the problem with erasure.

You cannot erase the enslaved without also erasing the enslaver. You cannot erase the slave auction without erasing the buyer. You cannot erase the plantation without erasing the people who owned it and the economic system that profited from it. You cannot erase Jim Crow without erasing the legislatures that enacted it, the courts that upheld it, and the institutions that administered it. And you cannot erase Black resistance without erasing the forces against which Black people were required to resist.

So this is not simply an assault on “Black history.” It is an assault on the historical record itself.

Black history does not sit alongside American history as an elective chapter that can be removed when it makes somebody uncomfortable.

Black history is evidence. And perhaps that is precisely why its erasure matters so much.

SOURCES

The Guardian, September 12, 2026: “Don’t I deserve a little grace?” Lonnie Bunch on pressure from Trump and leaving the Smithsonian on his own terms.

The Guardian, September 26, 2026: “Let’s tell the truth”: Smithsonian head given standing ovation as he hits back at Trump attacks.

CBS News, July 4, 2026: Coverage of the National Mall evacuation and emergency shelter locations during the Freedom 250 celebration.

TheGrio, July 5, 2026: Coverage of Freedom 250 attendees taking shelter inside the National Museum of African American History and Culture.

OUR COMMON GROUND with Janice Graham

Transforming Truth to Power

 

 

BEFORE CASTRO: THE CUBA AMERICA HELPED CREATE ::: Janice Off the Mic

Janice Off the Mic

BEFORE CASTRO: THE CUBA AMERICA HELPED CREATE

The Cuban Revolution did not begin with communism. It began with a country whose democracy had been compromised, whose economy was heavily penetrated by foreign capital, and whose dictator the United States accepted.

Americans have been taught the Cuban story largely from the middle.

  • Fidel Castro.
  • Communism.
  • Nationalization.
  • The Soviet Union.
  • The Bay of Pigs.
  • The Missile Crisis.

But if we begin there, we miss the question that should come first:

What happened in Cuba that made a revolution possible?

https://images.openai.com/static-rsc-4/AxRmU6MorR2ExuWA-Wz3rzewmlU6EHNwP_s5Th9t5oyKH0a43MWCHl46G3zNRKSTSSfshN11KyhA3qBU3eZLFYlUvzN4JgrEdABK8QPIr-TpvupPZff0ctKK7du_PtlTaYgGDxyyv9YnwFiBG6A_IKrrbnr_lPrUVndP_RbHgaTMHs-E1zw3rjiqL1d8WtYw?purpose=fullsizeCastro did not invent Cuba’s grievances. He stepped into a political, economic, and social crisis that had been developing for decades, one in which the United States played an important role. And that history complicates the familiar American story considerably.

BEFORE CASTRO, THERE WAS BATISTA

On March 10, 1952, Fulgencio Batista seized control of Cuba in a military coup, overthrowing the constitutional government of President Carlos Prío Socarrás only months before scheduled elections.

This was not a communist takeover. It was a military strongman destroying a constitutional government. And the United States knew exactly what had happened. A State Department memorandum prepared for President Harry S. Truman described Batista as having overthrown Cuba’s “duly constituted Government.”

Nevertheless, the Truman administration decided to recognize Batista’s government. That decision is critical to understanding what followed.

Among the interests American officials considered were substantial U.S. investments in Cuba, American trade, nickel production, the naval base at Guantánamo, military agreements, and Batista’s assurances concerning private capital and communism. The United States did not create Batista’s coup. But when confronted with a choice about how to respond to the overthrow of a constitutional government, Washington accepted the new regime. Dwight Eisenhower became president the following year, and his administration continued the relationship. The United States had chosen what appeared to offer stability. The question is: stability for whom?

THE AMERICAN ECONOMIC PRESENCE

By the late 1950s, American investment in Cuba approached $1 billion, an extraordinary amount for the period. American interests were deeply embedded in sugar, utilities, telecommunications, railroads, banking, and other sectors of the Cuban economy. American sugar companies operated dozens of mills, controlled enormous acreage, and produced a substantial portion of Cuba’s sugar crop. And sugar was the lifeblood of the Cuban economy.

The relationship was not simply one of Cuba selling something to America. Cuba had become extraordinarily dependent upon access to the American sugar market while the United States dominated Cuba’s import market. This created something considerably more complicated than conventional foreign investment. Cuba was politically independent. But economically, its room to maneuver was constrained by its relationship with the United States. And land ownership presented an even more explosive problem.

By the end of the 1950s, a very small percentage of Cuban landowners controlled most of the country’s agricultural land. Large estates existed alongside rural poverty. Wealth existed alongside chronic unemployment. Havana could glitter while agricultural workers lived in circumstances that bore little resemblance to the Cuba seen by American tourists.

BUSINESS, CORRUPTION AND THE BATISTA STATE

https://images.openai.com/static-rsc-4/md4JUzX1EXLxxdMcsKOMQ-b6DZa5ubGgW8S2SE5rC9GHN7EIs_S2UUjDsHUENbW1URoIbdAiOSpzFWXnv_OoGjThB6lwxKW386jDQYBPwQdr7FyVi89uFeORnjKzNmqfPumfHC63h8BVf9jnJNx52_-t_2OX4eX26L8A7Nv51GYib5YVEKV78RFiMgIa2OU8?purpose=fullsizeI want to be precise here.  It would be inaccurate to say that all American businesses operating in Cuba were corrupt. They were not. American companies built infrastructure, employed Cubans, and operated legitimate enterprises. Some provided comparatively good wages and working conditions. But legitimate investment existed alongside another system.

Political influence

Government concessions

Privileged business arrangements

Casino interests

Organized crime

And corruption within Batista’s government. Havana became an international gambling and entertainment destination, and American organized-crime figures developed significant interests in Cuban hotels and casinos. For those with money, Havana could be glamorous. For those without it, the spectacle of wealth had another meaning. It demonstrated who benefited from the existing order. Even American diplomatic officials were describing corruption within Cuban government as a serious obstacle to the country’s development. That matters because revolutions rarely arise simply because people are poor. They arise when people become convinced that the system producing their condition cannot or will not reform itself.

THEN BATISTA CLOSED THE POLITICAL DOOR

This may have been Batista’s most consequential mistake. Cuba had possessed a significant constitutional tradition, including the progressive Constitution of 1940. Batista’s coup interrupted it. As opposition grew, his government increasingly relied upon censorship, suspension of constitutional guarantees, intimidation, arrests, and violence. And that transformed the political calculation. If elections cannot remove a government, what remains? If constitutional government has been overthrown and the government responsible is recognized and supported by the most powerful country in the hemisphere, where does political opposition go? For some Cubans, the answer became revolution.

ENTER FIDEL CASTRO

Castro’s attack on the Moncada Barracks on July 26, 1953, was a military failure. He was captured, imprisoned, and eventually amnestied. He went to Mexico, organized the July 26 Movement, and returned to Cuba aboard the Granma in December 1956. The expedition was nearly destroyed. A small number of survivors reached the Sierra Maestra. Nothing about that beginning made Castro’s eventual victory inevitable. What changed was Cuba. Batista’s legitimacy continued collapsing.

Students organized.  Workers resisted.  Middle-class Cubans joined opposition movements. Professionals, businesspeople and political organizations increasingly turned against Batista. Underground resistance grew in Cuban cities while Castro’s guerrillas expanded in the mountains. Castro became the most visible figure in something much larger than Castro.

THIS WAS NOT YET THE COLD WAR STORY WE REMEMBER

This point is essential. The Cubans opposing Batista were not collectively fighting to establish the communist state Cuba would later become. The opposition included people with very different political beliefs. And even American officials during the rebellion questioned Batista’s repeated claim that Castro’s movement was communist. The immediate political issue was Batista. Castro’s appeal drew upon nationalism, restoration of constitutional government, opposition to corruption, land reform, and social justice. That coalition was much broader than the Cuban Communist Party. The revolution’s later development into a Marxist-Leninist one-party state should not be projected backward onto every Cuban who opposed Batista in 1957 or 1958. History becomes propaganda when we rewrite people’s original choices according to what happened afterward.

https://images.openai.com/static-rsc-4/Vv8fFt_hZm9YWm0XVqCswitoK6AU2XlhxVAs0ja6f_RWrPrRDSvfZ98xow-dOJXKRPcgqG8-XtMaAsendoT5K53M-OVTMZk3ii0FY7nwePBCjB2L1mJbKuM_6XJSbf5RDyBQn29Gb-DPWsHAzm8L-p2EoTojuwr11jxIf0vxD8X5X9MYOMOiY4jEaWx3wjzz?purpose=fullsizeAMERICAN WEAPONS AND BATISTA’S REPRESSION

There was another problem for the United States. Washington had supplied Batista’s government with military assistance. As Batista increasingly used his armed forces against domestic opposition, American weapons became associated with the repression. American officials themselves became concerned about precisely that appearance. By 1958, Washington understood that continued identification with Batista was damaging American standing among Cubans and throughout Latin America. The Eisenhower administration suspended shipments of combat arms to Batista in March 1958. But by then, years of American association with his government could not simply be erased. Washington began looking for an alternative. Batista had become untenable. But American officials did not want Castro controlling whatever came next either. They wanted another way out. They did not find one.

THE REGIME COLLAPSED

Castro did not defeat a strong Cuban state in a conventional war and march triumphantly across a conquered country. The Batista state disintegrated. Its army was demoralized.

Corruption had weakened its institutions.  Political support evaporated. The opposition expanded. American military support had been curtailed. And increasing numbers of Cubans concluded that Batista could not survive. In the early hours of January 1, 1959, Batista fled Cuba. The revolution had won. There is an extraordinary historical irony in what happened next. American businessmen in Cuba were among those urging Washington to recognize the new revolutionary government quickly. The Eisenhower administration did so on January 7, 1959. The United States and Castro were not yet inevitable enemies. That confrontation came next.

THE QUESTION AMERICA RARELY ASKS

Why was Castro possible?

That question produces a very different history from simply asking why Castro became communist. Cuba entered the revolution carrying generations of unresolved contradictions.

Formal independence alongside extraordinary American influence. Constitutional government followed by dictatorship. Enormous foreign investment alongside concentrated land ownership. Havana’s wealth alongside rural deprivation. Legitimate American enterprise alongside organized crime and political corruption. And a dictator whose destruction of constitutional government was accepted by Washington because American strategic, anti-communist, and economic interests weighed heavily in the calculation.

None of this excuses what Castro subsequently did. It does something more important. It explains why there was a revolution for him to lead.

There is a lesson here larger than Cuba. When a powerful nation chooses stability over democracy because the existing order protects its economic and strategic interests, it may preserve that order for a while. But the people living under that order are also watching.

      • They know who owns the land.
      • They know who controls the wealth.
      • They know who supplies the weapons.
      • They know who recognizes the dictator.
      • And they remember.
      • The Cuban Revolution did not suddenly appear on January 1, 1959.

Long before Castro marched into Havana, the conditions that made Castro possible were already there.

THE MATTER OF THE MATTER

Perhaps Cuba’s history asks a question that Americans should ask more often when examining our country’s relationship with the rest of the world:

When America says it is defending freedom, whose freedom is being defended, and whose interests are being protected?

That question belongs not only to Cuba.

It belongs to history.

OUR COMMON GROUND with Janice Graham | Since 1985

Alternative. Activist. Empowerment. Progressive Media.

Sources and further reading

U.S. Department of State, Office of the Historian, Foreign Relations of the United States, including the official documentary records covering U.S.-Cuban relations under the Truman and Eisenhower administrations. The FRUS series is the official documentary record of major U.S. foreign-policy decisions and diplomatic activity.

Additional historical documentation should accompany the web edition for the 1952 recognition of Batista, American economic interests in Cuba, U.S. military assistance, the 1958 arms suspension, and American policy during the collapse of the Batista government.

BLACK STRUGGLE SINGULARLY MADE AMERICA CONFRONT DEMOCRACY ::: Part 1: When Does a Pattern Become Visible?

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BLACK STRUGGLE SINGULARLY MADE AMERICA CONFRONT DEMOCRACY

Black struggle did not simply expand democracy to include Black people.

It repeatedly forced America to confront the difference between its democratic promises and its democratic practice.

Part 1: When Does a Pattern Become Visible?

Black struggle did not simply expand democracy to include Black people. It repeatedly exposed the difference between America’s democratic promises and its democratic practice. The condition of Black citizenship has repeatedly served as a measure of the condition of American democracy.

That is the premise from which I begin, a proposition that few seem willing to acknowledge, much less explore. Media and scholars have too often positioned American democracy as essentially a white proposition and ideal, conceived, built, and preserved by white overseers. Yet in 2026, as we watch that democracy fracture like a windshield that has absorbed the greatest of the impact in a wreck, few seem willing to consider that the structure may have been far more fragile than the national mythology allows.

For nearly 250 years, American democracy has in some respects operated like a house of cards, its instability present in the original design. The Founding Fathers proclaimed liberty while constructing a republic that accommodated human enslavement, restricted political participation, and left fundamental questions of citizenship and equality unresolved. The contradiction was not something that developed later. It was there at the founding. America likes to tell its story as the story of democracy, but for much of its history democracy was more declaration than settled practice. The nation announced that all men were created equal while enslaving human beings. It celebrated liberty while denying citizenship to people whose labor helped build the country. It created representative government without establishing anything approaching universal political participation.

The contradiction was there from the beginning, and Black people did not merely live inside that contradiction. They exposed it.

Over and over, Black struggle forced the United States to answer questions the country preferred to leave unanswered: Who is a person? Who is a citizen? What does freedom require? Does citizenship carry enforceable rights? Can a government call itself representative when millions of the governed have no meaningful political power? What obligation does the federal government have when states deny citizens’ rights supposedly guaranteed by the Constitution?

Those were not simply Black questions. They were questions about the meaning of American democracy. And they remain so.

That is why I am asking them now.

Something about this moment demands more than the political vocabulary we have been using. We talk constantly about threats to American democracy. We talk about institutions, elections, constitutional norms and rules of law. But I find myself asking another set of questions.

Are we witnessing forms of Black erasure? What does erasure actually mean when applied to a people? Is it only physical removal, or can a people be erased politically, institutionally and historically by diminishing their presence in government, weakening their political power, challenging the legitimacy of their history and narrowing the public memory of what happened to them?

When does removal become something more than immigration enforcement? Ethnic cleansing is an extraordinarily grave term, born from histories of forced population removal, violence, and campaigns to alter who is permitted to inhabit a place. I am not interested in using it casually. I am interested in asking what conditions must exist before a society recognizes that the removal of people identified by nationality, ethnicity, race or ancestry has crossed into something fundamentally different. And why are societies so often reluctant to ask that question while the process is occurring?

Is Jim Crow merely something America once had, or is Jim Crow also a political method? We remember the signs over water fountains and the back of the bus, but Jim Crow was much more than segregation. It was a system for controlling citizenship. It determined who could vote, who could exercise political power, whose rights government would protect, whose history mattered, whose testimony carried authority, and who could safely challenge the existing racial order. If some of those mechanisms return without the signs, what do we call them?

And what do we mean by white supremacy? Do we reserve the term for Klansmen, racial slurs and explicitly segregationist organizations? Or does American history require a broader examination of systems built around preserving racial hierarchy, including periods when racial power defended itself through laws, institutions and respectable political language rather than explicit declarations of racial hatred?

These terms are not interchangeable. Black erasure is not automatically ethnic cleansing. A restrictive voting law is not automatically Jim Crow. Political opposition to a Black official is not automatically white supremacy. Those distinctions matter. But history also warns us against making the opposite mistake: defining each phenomenon so narrowly that we can recognize it only after it has fully matured.

When does a pattern become visible?

There are developments occurring now that should at least make us willing to ask.

The Trump administration has ordered scrutiny of Smithsonian museums and their treatment of American history, including the National Museum of African American History and Culture. President Trump attempted to remove Federal Reserve Governor Lisa Cook, the first Black woman to serve on the Federal Reserve Board, in what the Supreme Court described as the first presidential attempt to remove a Federal Reserve governor in the institution’s history.

The federal workforce has undergone an enormous contraction, affecting an institution in which Black Americans have historically been represented at rates greater than in much of the private workforce. At the same time, while the administration restricted the broader refugee admissions system, it created preferential consideration for Afrikaners from South Africa whom it describes as victims of racial discrimination.

Each of these actions has its own policy rationale, legal circumstances, and political argument. They should not simply be declared equivalent.

But taken together, they cause me to ask:

What happens when we discuss the condition of American democracy without examining what is happening to Black citizenship, Black political power, Black institutional presence and Black historical memory?

America has been here before, though not under precisely the same circumstances. History does not repeat itself neatly, but the ideas we are discussing have taken many forms in America. Their language, legal mechanisms, and political justifications change. Yet America’s treatment of Black citizenship has repeatedly revealed something larger about the state of democracy itself.

That realization sent me backward. Before Trump. Before Obama. Before the Voting Rights Act. Before Jim Crow. Back to Frederick Douglass and a country celebrating its freedom while millions of Black people remained enslaved.

That is where the search for an answer begins.

I’m Janice Graham, and I’ll Be Listening for you!

ABOUT THE SERIES

Next: Part 2 — When Black Freedom Forced Constitutional Reconstruction

 

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