BLACK PUPPETS- Byron Donalds and the Price of Conditional Acceptance ::: Janice Off the Mic

BLACK PUPPETS

Byron Donalds and the Price of Conditional Acceptance

THE MATTER OF THE MATTER — Janice Off the Mic

I am not prepared to pay the price of celebrating, for the first time in Florida’s history, a Black person occupying the Governor’s Mansion if that achievement comes at the expense of Black political power, dignity, and the interests of the very people whose struggle made that possibility real.

We have paid that price far too many times. We have celebrated the first Black person to enter institutions that once excluded us, only to discover that the institution remained unchanged, its power undisturbed, and its obligations to Black people no greater than before. We have mistaken access for influence, visibility for representation, and individual achievement for collective progress.

There was a time when every first represented a breach in the walls of American racial exclusion. Those victories mattered. They were hard-won, and we should never diminish the struggle that made them possible. But we have learned something in the generations since. The presence of a Black person in a position of authority does not necessarily mean that Black people have gained any authority at all.

A first has no value as Black progress unless it opens the way for those who follow, expands the possibilities of those who remain excluded, and advances the collective power of the people whose history made that first possible.

Otherwise, we are being asked to celebrate the color of the person operating the machinery while ignoring what the machinery is doing to us.

And I, for one, am no longer willing to make that bargain.

There is another dimension to the prospect of Byron Donalds becoming Florida’s first Black governor that deserves examination: the response of those entrusted with the leadership of our historically Black colleges and universities. I wonder how many administrators will hesitate to challenge his candidacy or his policies, persuaded that the historic symbolism of a Black governor, or the practical need to maintain access to his administration, outweighs their obligation to examine what his leadership might mean for their institutions.

The dilemma is particularly consequential for Florida’s public HBCU, Florida A&M University, whose relationship with state government involves funding, oversight, appointments, and institutional priorities. Administrators must maintain working relationships with elected officials, regardless of party. But maintaining those relationships is not the same as endorsing their political agendas. Nor should institutional survival require silence when policies threaten academic freedom, educational opportunity, or the teaching of Black history.

There is a dangerous illusion in believing that the presence of a Black man in the Governor’s Mansion necessarily translates into greater security for Black institutions. It does not. The measure of that administration would be found in its budgets, appointments, educational policies, and willingness to protect the independence and historical mission of those institutions. A Black governor could strengthen those commitments, weaken them, or leave them unchanged. His racial identity alone tells us nothing about which course he would choose.

And this is where the seduction of the historic first becomes especially troubling. Our institutions cannot afford to confuse proximity with protection or ceremonial recognition with substantive support. The history of Black higher education is a history of institutions built and sustained against extraordinary political and economic resistance. Their leaders inherit an obligation greater than securing an invitation to the Governor’s Mansion.

The question is not whether a Black governor will welcome Black university presidents into his office. It is whether those presidents will retain the independence to challenge him when the interests of their institutions and students demand it.

Black representation does not automatically mean Black political power. Too often, it becomes the machinery through which power is exercised against Black people.

There is a particular kind of political betrayal that deserves more than the customary language of disappointment. It is not simply the abandonment of Black interests. It is the deliberate decision to become an instrument of political forces working against those interests, to use one’s Blackness as a credential of legitimacy while participating in the dismantling of the protections, institutions, and opportunities that generations of Black struggle made possible.

Gray-Haired Witnesses for Justice

My grandmother would have called such people race traitors. She would not have wasted much time explaining herself. She understood that there were always people willing to exchange the collective interests of their people for the privileges of proximity to those who controlled the money, the property, the law, and the machinery of government.

But I have another name for the contemporary political actors who perform this function.

Slave catchers.

Not because the historical institution of slavery and contemporary political life are interchangeable. They are not. But because the historical slave catcher was more than a man pursuing someone who had escaped bondage. He was an agent of a system determined to deny Black people the right to determine the conditions of their own existence. He helped enforce a political and economic order in which Black freedom was regarded as a threat to someone else’s wealth and power.

Today, the machinery is different. There are elections, legislative chambers, cabinet departments, executive orders, government contracts, political appointments, and television cameras. The chains are not the same. Neither are the laws. But the question of who is recruited to enforce the boundaries of Black freedom remains worth asking.

And that brings me to Byron Donalds.

Byron Donalds: The Price of Being Useful

Why Byron Donalds?

Why would a political movement that wraps itself in law and order, personal responsibility, merit, and moral superiority so enthusiastically embrace a Black man whose own encounters with the criminal justice system required precisely the discretion and second chances that its political rhetoric so often condemns?

Donalds, now seeking the governorship of Florida, has a criminal history that includes a misdemeanor marijuana case and a separate felony bribery charge resolved through a diversion program and ultimately dismissed. He does not have a felony conviction arising from that case. The distinction matters, but so does the larger history.

He was given an opportunity to move beyond those encounters with the law, complete his education, build a career, enter public life, and pursue one of the most powerful offices in Florida. I do not begrudge him those opportunities. I believe in second chances. I believe that the circumstances of one’s youth should not necessarily determine the possibilities of one’s future. But I wonder how much of that understanding Byron Donalds extends to the Black and poor young men who find themselves entangled in the same criminal justice system that allowed him to move forward.

There is something particularly revealing about a man who benefits from institutional discretion and then aligns himself with a political movement that so frequently substitutes punishment for opportunity, personal condemnation for structural understanding, and political theater for justice. It is not Donald’s criminal history that disqualifies him from political leadership. It is the contradiction between the opportunities he received and the policies he is willing to support that deserves examination.

The Moral Contradiction: Donald Trump

And then there is Donald Trump.

For Black people of good faith and goodwill, those who still listen to the whispers of their history, Donald Trump represents something profoundly indecent. I regard him as a rabid racist, a man whose public conduct has repeatedly demonstrated contempt for truth, decency, moral responsibility, and the dignity of others. Vile in his rhetoric, immoral in his conduct, and seemingly amoral in his exercise of power, he embodies much of what generations of Black struggle have sought to confront and overcome.

And so I find myself asking a question that goes well beyond political affiliation. Why would a Black man who has himself benefited from forgiveness, who claims the possibility of redemption and a transformed life, so enthusiastically embrace a man whose public life so frequently demonstrates the very absence of those virtues?

What does Byron Donalds see in Donald Trump that makes such an embrace not merely acceptable but worthy of his public devotion? Is it the promise of political advancement? The seduction of proximity to power? The prospect of wealth, influence, and acceptance among men whose political movement so often treats the history of Black struggle as an inconvenience to be dismissed?

I cannot know what resides in Donald’s heart. But I can judge the company he has chosen, the conduct he is willing to excuse, and the policies he has helped advance. And I can ask what happens to a man’s moral judgment when political ambition requires him to defend what he might otherwise recognize as indefensible.

There is a difference between receiving redemption and understanding its moral obligations. Redemption ought to deepen one’s appreciation for mercy, justice, human dignity, and the possibility of transformation. It ought not become merely a personal exemption from standards one is willing to impose upon everybody else.

What good is the redemption of one Black man if, having received it, he lends his political power to a movement that would make redemption harder for others to obtain?

And perhaps that is the most disturbing question of all. Has Byron Donalds mistaken the opportunity to rise within this political machinery for evidence that the machinery itself is righteous?

Trump’s embrace of Donalds is instructive. Here is a political leader whose movement regularly demands harsh judgment of people who violate the law, yet finds room for redemption when the individual in question serves its political purposes. Apparently, the standards are not nearly as inflexible as the rhetoric suggests.

Donalds has made himself one of Trump’s most recognizable Black political defenders. He has embraced the president’s agenda, supported his legislative priorities, and sought to translate that loyalty into political advancement. Trump, in turn, endorsed Donalds’ gubernatorial ambitions.

What an arrangement. One man receives a highly visible Black advocate for his political agenda. The other receives the endorsement, access, and political support of a powerful president. But what do Black Floridians receive?

That is the question that interests me. Not whether Donalds is sufficiently grateful to Trump. Not whether Trump likes him. Not whether Donalds is welcomed into rooms where other Black people may never be invited. The question is whether any of that proximity produces independent political power for the people whose history and struggle helped make Donalds’s career possible. And there is an important distinction here.

Representation answers the question of who is present. Agency answers the question of who determines what happens.

A Black face can be placed at the head of an institution while the institution’s commitment to racial equity is being weakened. A Black elected official can defend an agenda that diminishes the power of communities that have historically been excluded. And a Black political spokesman can be elevated precisely because his presence makes that agenda more difficult to challenge as racially consequential.

The system does not have to exclude every Black person to maintain racial inequality. It can reward selected Black people for helping preserve it.

The Record Behind the Representation

Donalds’s political record gives us considerably more to examine than his personal relationship with Trump.

He supported the administration’s sweeping 2025 tax-and-spending legislation, which combined tax provisions with major changes to Medicaid, SNAP, and other federal programs. Those changes have consequences for economically vulnerable households, including Black families already confronting disproportionate barriers to wealth, health care, and economic security.

He supported legislation imposing new documentary proof-of-citizenship requirements for voter registration, despite concerns that such requirements could create additional obstacles for eligible citizens who lack ready access to the required documents.

These are not merely abstract ideological preferences. They are legislative choices affecting the conditions under which people obtain assistance, exercise political rights, and participate in American democracy.

Donalds and his allies argue that these policies encourage responsibility, protect election integrity, reduce government dependency, and restore fiscal discipline. But the rhetoric of responsibility cannot substitute for an examination of consequences. When eligibility requirements become more burdensome, when public protections are reduced, and when the exercise of citizenship becomes more administratively difficult, the question is who bears the cost.

We know enough about the racial and economic history of this country to understand that formally race-neutral policies do not necessarily produce racially neutral outcomes.

And this is where Donalds’s political ambitions become particularly consequential. He is not simply defending these policies from a seat in Congress. He is seeking to become governor of Florida, a state whose history of racial exclusion, voter suppression, unequal schooling, and resistance to Black political power is neither distant nor irrelevant.

What does it mean for Florida to elect its first Black governor if that governor embraces policies that weaken the collective political and economic agency of Black Floridians?

It would be a historic first. But historic firsts are not necessarily historic progress.

Black people have struggled too long and sacrificed too much to confuse the individual advancement of a Black politician with the advancement of Black political power.

The Price of Conditional Acceptance

There is something else about Byron Donalds that I find astonishing. He appears to believe that the machinery he serves will make a permanent exception for him.

That is either an extraordinary misreading of American racial history or an extraordinary act of political self-deception.

The machinery of white supremacy has never required that every Black person be excluded from its operations. It has always found uses for selected Black people willing to defend its arrangements, validate its authority, or help discipline those who challenge it. Their inclusion does not necessarily signal the abandonment of racial hierarchy. Sometimes it is one of the methods through which that hierarchy is maintained.

And here is the part that Donalds ought to understand:

Being useful to power is not the same as possessing power.

He may enjoy the invitations, the photographs, the endorsements, the campaign support, and the applause. He may believe that his loyalty has purchased a place beyond the reach of the racial prejudices that his political allies so often dismiss or deny. But history offers little reason to assume that acceptance purchased through political usefulness is unconditional.

What happens when his usefulness expires? When his ambitions interfere with someone else’s? When his presence no longer serves the narrative? When the political movement that celebrates him today finds it more advantageous to discard him tomorrow?

He may discover that the privileges of proximity are not the protections of equality.

And that is what makes participation in the contemporary politics of Black erasure so profoundly troubling. The issue is not merely standing aside while the history of Black struggle is diminished. It is helping legitimize an agenda that weakens the institutions, protections, and public understanding through which Black Americans have sought to secure equal citizenship.

The great irony is that the Black history Donalds appears willing to subordinate to his political ambitions is the very history that explains why he can occupy the positions he holds.

He did not create those opportunities alone. He inherited the fruits of struggles waged by people who refused to accept the boundaries imposed upon them.

The right to vote, the ability to compete for public office, the expectation of equal treatment under law, and the dismantling of legal segregation were not gifts from a benevolent political establishment. They were wrested from that establishment through generations of Black resistance, organizing, litigation, sacrifice, and political confrontation.

There is a special indecency in climbing through doors opened by collective Black sacrifice and then participating in efforts that make those doors harder for others to enter.

Donalds seems to have mistaken admission for acceptance, access for authority, and personal advancement for collective liberation.

And if he has placed himself so completely within Trump’s political embrace, what does that make him?

Not necessarily a partner in power. Perhaps an especially valuable instrument of someone else’s power.

The machinery does not promise loyalty to those who operate it. It demands loyalty from them.

And when they are no longer useful, there is no reason to assume it will protect them from the same forces they helped empower.

And Donalds Is Hardly Alone

Oh, and then there are Scott Turner and Tim Scott.

Turner, the Black Secretary of Housing and Urban Development, presides over the federal department charged with advancing fair housing. Yet under his leadership, HUD has withdrawn important regulatory requirements intended to compel communities receiving federal housing assistance to examine and address barriers to fair housing.

Think about that.

Women in Housing and Finance

Scott Turner, Secretary of Housing and Urban Development

The federal government’s affirmative fair-housing responsibilities emerged from a history in which government itself helped construct and sustain residential segregation. The struggle was not simply to prohibit an individual landlord from refusing to rent to a Black family. It was to confront the structural arrangements through which entire communities had been denied equal access to housing, schools, transportation, public investment, and the accumulation of wealth.

And now a Black cabinet secretary is helping reverse important elements of the federal framework designed to address those arrangements.

Turner describes his actions as restoring local control and reducing regulatory burdens. But local control has a long and complicated history in Black America. It was frequently the language through which racial exclusion was defended, and federal intervention resisted.

The question is not whether every local government will discriminate. It is why a federal official charged with advancing fair housing would reduce mechanisms designed to hold those governments accountable for addressing persistent barriers.

Media Tip Sheet: Tim Scott 2024 Presidential Campaign | Media Relations | The George Washington University

Tim Scott, U.S. Senator and Senate Banking Committee chairman

And Senator Tim Scott? Don’t get me started. Well, I do have to fall out laughing because this cretin thinks he is really regal !! LMFAO

As chairman of the Senate Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs Committee, Scott has used his institutional authority to advance financial deregulation, including the congressional effort to overturn a Consumer Financial Protection Bureau rule intended to limit certain overdraft fees at large financial institutions.

Scott argues that such regulations restrict consumer choice and access to financial services. But overdraft charges fall heavily on financially vulnerable households. The competing interests are not difficult to identify.

Scott has also promoted Opportunity Zones and other market-based approaches to economic development. Some may produce meaningful benefits. But the existence of individual investment opportunities does not answer the larger question of whether Black communities gain durable economic power, ownership, and control.

Here again, we encounter the distinction between economic inclusion and economic empowerment.

Economic inclusion may allow selected Black individuals to acquire wealth, appointments, influence, and access to capital. Economic empowerment requires something more: the ability of Black communities to shape the economic conditions under which they live, work, build institutions, accumulate assets, and determine their futures.

The two are not interchangeable.

Donalds, Turner, and Scott occupy different positions. Their authority differs. Their individual records are not identical. But each has helped advance elements of a political agenda that reduces federal intervention in areas where federal intervention has historically been essential to confronting racial and economic inequality.

And each offers something politically valuable to that agenda: a prominent Black voice defending its legitimacy.

That is not proof of their private motives. I cannot know what bargains they have made with themselves or what they believe they will ultimately receive. But I can examine the public consequences of the policies they defend.

And I can ask why men who have benefited so substantially from the expansion of Black opportunity are willing to participate in a political project that threatens to narrow it.

The Matter of the Matter

I am not interested in the familiar defense that Black people are entitled to be conservatives. Of course they are. Black political independence includes the right to choose one’s ideology, party, and political associations. Nor am I interested in measuring anyone’s Blackness by whether they agree with me.

I am interested in something far more consequential: what happens when Black political figures lend their authority, credibility, and institutional power to political forces whose policies diminish the collective agency of Black Americans?

There is an old American practice of making room for selected Black individuals without making room for Black collective power. It permits access without surrendering control. It celebrates individual success while treating demands for structural change as unnecessary, excessive, or illegitimate.

What makes that arrangement particularly dangerous is that its beneficiaries can become its most persuasive defenders. Their own advancement becomes the exhibit offered to prove that the barriers confronting everyone else no longer matter.

And that is where Black representation becomes political camouflage.

The existence of a Black cabinet secretary does not prove that housing policy serves Black families. The election of a Black senator does not establish that financial policy protects Black consumers. And the prospect of a Black governor does not guarantee that the political rights and economic interests of Black Floridians will be advanced.

Their presence can instead become an answer to an accusation that their policies have never adequately answered.

My grandmother understood something about the people who sought privilege through accommodation to systems of racial domination. She understood that the question was never simply who was permitted inside the master’s house. It was what they were prepared to do once they entered, and whether they would help maintain the boundaries that kept everyone else outside.

She called them race traitors. I call their political function something harsher. Slave catching. Black cleansing.

Not because contemporary political office is equivalent to the enforcement of chattel slavery, but because I recognize the danger when people who have benefited from Black struggle lend their authority to political efforts that restrict Black freedom and agency.

And perhaps the cruelest irony is that they may discover, when their political usefulness has ended, that the system they helped sustain never regarded their inclusion as a commitment to their equality.

It merely found them useful. The presence of Black hands on the machinery does not change what the machinery is designed to do. And Black representation without independent Black political power may be little more than the decoration of our own subjugation.

 

     “I’ll Be Listening For You !”

Transforming Truth to Power

Janice signature

 

 

OCG SALUTE : BOB LAW: A VOICE THAT MATTERED

BOB LAW: A VOICE THAT MATTERED

May be an image of one or more peopleAn OUR COMMON GROUND Salute

I learned only recently that Bob Law, pioneering Black talk host and activist, had made his transition. He died on Monday, March 30, 2026, at age 86.

That news stopped me.

Bob was more than a broadcasting colleague. He was my mentor, my friend, my brother in the work, and for years one of the voices with whom I shared the responsibility of trying to make Black America hear itself clearly.
During the WPOM years of OUR COMMON GROUND, Bob joined me every Wednesday. Those were not simply guest appearances. They were continuing conversations between two Black talkers trying to understand what was happening to our people, what forces were moving around us, and what we needed to know in order to respond.
Bob understood the power of Black radio.

He understood that owning the microphone was important—but owning the means by which our voices reached our people was even more important.

For nearly two years, Bob and I worked on a plan to acquire small Black radio stations around the country and bring them together into a network of Black talk radio—stations through which independent Black voices could speak nationally and locally, with programming that included NightTalk, OUR COMMON GROUND, and other powerful Black talk voices of that era.

We did not succeed in bringing that vision to fruition. But the vision mattered.
We understood that Black people needed more than occasional access to somebody else’s microphone. We needed infrastructure. We needed ownership. We needed a communications system capable of carrying Black thought, Black analysis, and Black political conversation from community to community.
Bob Law understood that perhaps better than anyone I knew. He was brave. He was smart. He was serious.
And he was a warrior for Black people. At a time when much of mainstream corporate media was unwilling—or unable—to speak plainly about what was happening in America, Bob did.

He amplified the issues confronting Black America when those issues were inconvenient, unpopular, or simply invisible to those who controlled the larger media platforms. That is what Black talk radio did.

We sounded alarms.
We talked about power. We talked about race. We talked about politics and economics. We talked about what was happening inside our communities and what was being done to them. And we talked with each other so that we could understand what we were seeing, trust what we knew, and become confident about what we needed to do.
Talk That Matters.
Looking at America today, I am reminded how much those voices mattered—and how much America might have learned had it listened more carefully to Black talk radio. Bob was one of those voices.
As I prepare to bring OUR COMMON GROUND back to the microphone, it means something very different to know that my friend will not be there for another Wednesday conversation or a quick review or sage advice. But his voice is part of the ground upon which we return. His work is part of the history we must preserve. And his insistence that Black people must have the means to speak to one another, for ourselves and in our own interests remains unfinished business. NY listeners and activists were so fortunate to have him.

So before OUR COMMON GROUND moves another step forward, I want to stop and say his name.

Bob Law.

My mentor.

My colleague.

My friend.

My brother in the work.

A brave and consequential Black voice.

Well done, Bob.

We are still talking.

And we are still listening.

OUR COMMON GROUND

Speaking Truth to Power and OURselves

I’m Janice Graham, and I’ll be Listening for YOU.

Shaky Ground: How the United States Uses the Law to Steal Indigenous Land – In These Times

 

 

A review of Peter d’Errico’s Federal Anti-Indian Law: The Legal Entrapment of Indigenous Peoples, an indictment of a legal system with the unflinching goal of stealing as much land as possible.

Despite its confusion and contradictions, federal Indian law — in d’Errico’s terms, ​“anti-Indian law” — has long had an unchanging purpose. By destroying Native individuals and communities, it has helped the rich and powerful scoop up vast lands and resources. This landgrab is accomplished in part because what’s typically called federal Indian law is hardly a systematic set of statutes. Instead, according to d’Errico, it’s what mid-20th-century U.S. Supreme Court Justice Felix Frankfurter called ​“a vast hodge-podge” and covers all areas of Indigenous life and activity with a massive array of U.S. court decisions, laws, executive orders and agency regulations that have piled up over the years in a disorderly and improvised fashion.

Kent McNeil, a professor emeritus at Osgoode Hall Law School at York University in Toronto, calls d’Errico’s Federal Anti-Indian Law ​“a frontal attack on the whole field of American law pertaining to Indigenous peoples.” He lauds it as a ​“must-read” for those wanting to understand what motivates any claims that the dispossession of Indigenous people has been legally sound. Similarly, Robert Maxim, a senior research associate at the Brookings Institution and a Mashpee Wampanoag tribal citizen, hails the book as ​“important and enlightening for all people, Indigenous and non-Indigenous alike.”

Throughout the chaos, the application of U.S. law to Indigenous people has had an unflinching goal: theft.

 

 

Source: Shaky Ground: How the United States Uses the Law to Steal Indigenous Land – In These Times

Stop Training Police Like They’re Joining the Military – The Atlantic

Police killings are of course not the only fuel for the mass protests. Beyond the deaths of Americans such as George Floyd and Breonna Taylor lie countless other large and small indignities—the massive stop-and-frisk program practiced by the NYPD until a court order declared it unconstitutional, the needlessly aggressive execution of warrants—that also fall most heavily on people of color and the poor.But many of the most egregious police abuses are avoidable, and the anger over them has created an opportunity for real police reform. The nation must jettison paramilitary approaches to policing. That means moving beyond shallow critiques of “police militarization,” most of which focus narrowly on federal programs allowing the transfer of military equipment to police, and looking at subtler and more entrenched aspects of police culture as well.Wesley Lowery: The breaking pointTo be sure, federal military-surplus transfers like those through the Defense Department’s 1033 Program do little good, and much harm: Police departments obtaining used Army filing cabinets at cost isn’t cause for concern, but there’s no earthly reason for small-town cops to wear military fatigues, ride around in mine-resistant Humvees, or carry bayonets. Studies suggest that police departments that receive such equipment see no measurable improvement in officer safety or crime rates, but greater quantities do seem to correlate with higher rates of officer-involved shootings and reduced public trust.Federal programs that allow the provision of military equipment to domestic police departments are only part of the problem, however. Although tightening the restrictions on such programs would be a good first step, the training that police recruits go through must also be reformed.We’re living in a dark moment: President Donald Trump’s threat to send in active-duty federal troops to quell protests further blurred the line between policing and the military. But some hopeful signs have emerged.For one, some progressive police leaders are questioning the value of paramilitary academies. In Washington State, for instance, former King County Sheriff Sue Rahr, now the head of the state’s Criminal Justice Training Commission, has pioneered an academy-training approach centered on a vision of police as guardians, not warriors. Rahr calls her training method “LEED,” for “Listen and Explain with Equity and Dignity.” Instead of an emphasis on yelling and standing at attention, her recruits are trained to engage others in courteous conversation, and are evaluated during role-play exercises on their ability to listen, show empathy, explain their actions, de-escalate tense situations, and leave everyone they encounter “with their dignity intact.”

Source: Stop Training Police Like They’re Joining the Military – The Atlantic

How Fannie Lou Hamer Created a Tool To Fight Voter Suppression Today

By Marc Elias

May 25, 2021

A geometric black-and-white collage featuring Fannie Lou Hammer and various scenes from civil rights protests

In 1964, civil rights leader Fannie Lou Hamer had a bold idea. A Black woman, she would run for Congress in the Democratic primary in Mississippi. Her opponent would be the pro-segregationist, white incumbent Jamie Whitten. At the time, Black citizens comprised 52.4% of the congressional district’s population, but less than 3% of its registered voters.

While she lost the primary 35,218 to 621, she set in motion one of the most consequential House election contests in history. And she may well have set the stage for the use of that process to fight voter suppression today.

After losing the primary, Hamer, along with Annie Devine and Victoria Gray, unsuccessfully sought to qualify for the November 1964 congressional ballot as third-party candidates under the banner of the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party. Then, after the general election, Hammer, Devine, Gray and the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party filed an election contest in the U.S. House challenging the seating of the Mississippi congressional delegation on the grounds that their elections were marred by voting discrimination and unconstitutional disenfranchisement of Black voters. 

The election contest was an evidentiary rout. Hamer and her team compiled 10,000 pages of witness testimony from more than 400 people. Depositions were taken in 30 Mississippi counties and hearings were held in 12 states. All of it told the story of disenfranchisement of Black voters in the 1964 elections by means of refusals to register Black voters, physical intimidation and other forms of overt, state-sponsored discrimination. The white congressmen claimed that they had no “personal knowledge” of voting discrimination taking place in Mississippi and complained bitterly of their lack of resources and inability to mount an evidentiary defense.

But what the congressmen lacked in evidence they more than made up for in the composition on the committee considering the challenge. After a 3-hour hearing — closed to the public, press and even other members of Congress — the House Administration Committee, which was dominated by southern Democrats, voted 20-5 to recommend that the House dismiss the contest. 

Among the reasons for dismissal was the fact that Hamer and the others could not show that they would have won the election even if Black citizens had been permitted to register and vote. But this issue had come up before — in the late 19th century. Between 1867 and 1901, the House decided more than 40 contests where violations of the 14th and 15th Amendments were found to be sufficient grounds for a contest to prevail, even without evidence that the election outcome would be different.

As the matter proceeded to the House floor for a vote in September 1965, some members — particularly those from the northeast — were under pressure to support the election contest. The images from Freedom Summer and the brutality of southern states towards Black citizens trying to register to vote were fresh in members’ minds. So too was the recently enacted Voting Rights Act (VRA).

It turns out that the passage of the VRA in August 1965 presented an opportunity for a “compromise” that would allow the Mississippi delegation to retain their seats. Opponents of the election contest made a two-part argument.  

First, they argued that the discriminatory conduct was only rendered illegal in 1965, nine months after the challenged elections. They noted that no court had struck down Mississippi’s voting laws as unconstitutional before the November 1964 election, even though Mississippi’s governor had accepted in 1965 that they did, in fact, violate the 15th Amendment. They further argued that the new VRA would have made illegal the tactics used in the 1964 elections to prevent Black voters from registering and voting. In other words, they argued that the new rules as of August 1965 should not be retroactively applied to 1964 elections and thus the contest should be dismissed.  

The second — and most critical — part of their argument was that, moving forward, violations of the VRA and 15th Amendment would be sufficient grounds to maintain and prevail in an election contest regardless of proof of the number of affected voters or the margin of the election.  

The majority thus sought to essentially block the challenge in 1964 by promising that from then on discriminatory voting laws and practices would be sufficient grounds to overturn an election in the House. 

As one member from New Jersey said while announcing his support to dismiss the contest: “The record of this debate…will constitute a clear precedent that the House of Representatives will no longer tolerate electoral practices in any State or district which violate the legal or constitutional rights of citizens to register, vote, or to become candidates for office.” The House will “use the power to unseat in the future, if there is corroborative evidence of the violation of the Voting Rights Act of 1965.” 

Ultimately the House voted in favor of permanently seating the Mississippi congressmen and against Fannie Lou Hamer and her effort by a vote of 228 to 143. The concession on future violations of the VRA and the Constitution worked.

That should not be an empty promise. 

As Republican legislatures enact new voter suppression laws, Congress should reaffirm the House’s promise in 1965 to refuse to seat, or to unseat, members who benefit from discriminatory voting laws.  It is beyond question that the House has the absolute right to adopt such a rule — since it alone is the “Judge of the Elections, Returns and Qualifications of its own Members.” So, the only barrier to this approach is the House itself and its reticence to invoke its constitutional power. 

If ever there was a need for it to do so, it is now.

Republicans in Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Iowa and Montana should be on notice now that members’ elections are subject to House contest if either a court or the House determines that the member benefitted from discriminatory voting laws. And before they pass their own discriminatory laws, states like Texas, Ohio and New Hampshire should consider that the result could be the unseating of their Republican congressional delegations.

The right to vote is under attack. The House should be reminded of Fannie Lou Hamer’s courage in 1964. She may have lost that election contest, but she won a valuable tool for fighting voter suppression that is still relevant today.

SUBSCRIBE and SUPPORT Democracy Docket and the amazing legal war he is waging against voter disenfranchisement and suppression.

“BURNING IT DOWN: BUILDING ANEW” with Kim Brown, Host, BURN IT DOWN LIVE

This Week at OUR COMMON GROUND

Our Guest:  Kim Brown, Host, Burn It Down with Kim Brown

Saturday, October 9, 2021 ∞ 10 pm ET

Tune In Here: http://bit.ly/OCGTruthTalk

Listen Line: 347-838-9852 

Can Janice Have A Word ?

Systemically oppressed survivors face tremendous, overwhelming barriers to seeking advocacy and justice. The challenges, and the history of institutional oppression of our people is often time met with lies, propaganda and obfuscation. There are historical underpinnings include events that took place in the past which impact how an individual or community perceives events or reacts to issues in the present. Additionally, the government, elected officials and mainstream organizations are not designed for or by systemically oppressed peoples and are often complicit or architects. Thus, it is critical that people who advocate on our behalf, analyze for us, comment or any other form of representation understand the historical trauma and its impact on Black people as a systemically oppressed people. We are told and offered illusionary idea of what will fix it. To some of these systemic and institutional impediments, traps and weapons, there is no fix. They must simply be “burned down”.

We  use history as a lens to provide a holistic approach and knowledge to claim our own liberation. Sometime, those who are unable to access relevant information may have blind spots, in places that are critical. We use others to “fill us in”. Unfortunately, all opinion is not critical analysis. All talk is not critical examination or analysis. Cultural, economic and political  relevant response requires a deep understanding of our story and how different every context is, paying close attention to where we are in our struggle and the multiplicity of our experiences and reality . We need people who are able to break through the BS and see clearly what is before us at every turn. Know the rules, the playlist and the players.  People brave enough, smart enough and capable enough to show us the traps and tell us the truth. I have tried to be one of those. As I prepare to end my broadcast presence, I am on the hunt to recommend to the thousands of listeners who have depended on me over the last 34 years.  Kim Brown is one of those people. We are grateful to have her share our microphone.

Restructuring  and creating systems matter.“BURNING IT DOWN: BUILDING ANEW”

  “Burn it Down with Kim Brown” is a twice weekly live broadcast and Kim Brown calls out systemic issues within our society and envisioning a new world. She talks about how to restructure and create systems that are inclusive of everyone. She keeps it real, and actively destroys myths that the media and politicians love that we believe, like American Exceptionalism.

Burn It Down with Kim Brown is the place where you can set oppression ablaze. A Black woman led independent media that DGAF about taking on the establishment.

She makes a microphone rumble.

-Janice Graham

“Burn it Down with Kim Brown” is a twice weekly live broadcast and Kim Brown calls out systemic issues within our society and envisioning a new world. She talks about how to restructure and create systems that are inclusive of everyone. She keeps it real, and actively destroys myths that the media and politicians love that we believe, like American Exceptionalism.

Burn It Down with Kim Brown is the place where you can set oppression ablaze. A Black woman led independent media that DGAF about taking on the establishment.

BURNING IT DOWN with Kim Brown

Facebook https://fb.me/BIDWKB Follow us on Twitter @BurnItDownKB Check out our Insta @BIDWKB ALL

Burn it Down content remains FREE and available on a YouTube channel, listener support is the only thing that can keeps BID going!!

Support BID on Patreon at: https://www.patreon.com/BIDWKB

Why Black Marxism, Why Now? | Boston Review

Why Black Marxism, Why Now?

The threat of fascism has grown before our eyes. Black Marxism helps us to fight it with greater clarity, with a more expansive conception of the task before us, and with ever more questions.

ROBIN D. G. KELLEY

Image: Flickr / Doc Searls

The inspiration to bring out a new edition of Cedric Robinson’s classic, Black Marxism: The Making of the Black Radical Tradition, came from the estimated 26 million people who took to the streets during the spring and summer of 2020 to protest the killings of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, Ahmaud Arbery, and the many others who lost their lives to the police. During this time, the world bore witness to the Black radical tradition in motion, driving what was arguably the most dynamic mass rebellion against state-sanctioned violence and racial capitalism we have seen in North America since the 1960s—maybe the 1860s. The boldest activists demanded that we abolish police and prisons and shift the resources funding police and prisons to housing, universal healthcare, living-wage jobs, universal basic income, green energy, and a system of restorative justice. These new abolitionists are not interested in making capitalism fairer, safer, and less racist—they know this is impossible. They want to bring an end to “racial capitalism.”

The threat of fascism is no longer rhetorical, a hollow epithet. It is real.

The state’s reaction to these protests has also brought us to the precipice of fascism. The organized protests in the streets and places of public assembly, on campuses, inside prisons, in state houses and courtrooms and police stations, portended the rise of a police state in the United States. For the past several years, the Movement for Black Lives and its dozens of allied organizations warned the country that we were headed for a fascist state if we did not end racist state-sanctioned violence and the mass caging of Black and brown people. They issued these warnings before Trump’s election. As the protests waned and COVID-19 entered a second, deadlier wave, the fascist threat grew right before our eyes. We’ve seen armed white militias gun down protesters; Trump and his acolytes attempt to hold on to power despite losing the presidential election; the federal government deploy armed force to suppress dissent, round up and deport undocumented workers, and intimidate the public; and, most recently the violent insurrection at the U.S. Capitol by members of the alt-right, racists, Neo-Nazis, and assorted fascist gangs whose ranks included off-duty cops, active military members, and veterans. The threat of fascism is no longer rhetorical, a hollow epithet. It is real.

The crossroads where Black revolt and fascism meet is precisely the space where Cedric’s main interlocutors find the Black radical tradition. Black Marxism is, in part, about an earlier generation of Black antifascists, written at the dawn of a global right-wing, neoliberal order that one political theorist called the era of “friendly fascism.”

Black Marxism was primarily about Black revolt, not racial capitalism. The Black radical tradition defies racial capitalism’s efforts to generate new categories of human experience stripped bare of the historical consciousness embedded in culture.

What did Robinson mean by the Black radical tradition, and why is it relevant now? Contrary to popular belief, Black Marxism was primarily about Black revolt, not racial capitalism. Robinson takes Marx and Engels to task for underestimating the material force of racial ideology on proletarian consciousness, and for conflating the English working class with the workers of the world. In his preface to the 2000 edition of Black Marxism, Cedric wrote, “Marxism’s internationalism was not global; its materialism was exposed as an insufficient explanator of cultural and social forces; and its economic determinism too often politically compromised freedom struggles beyond or outside of the metropole.” It is a damning observation. Many would counter by pointing to Marx’s writings on India, the United States, Russia, slavery, colonialism, imperialism, and peasants. Others would argue that Marx himself only ever claimed to understand capitalist development in Western Europe. But because neither Marx nor Engels considered the colonies and their plantations central to modern capitalist processes, class struggles within the slave regime or peasant rebellions within the colonial order were ignored or dismissed as underdeveloped or peripheral—especially since they looked nothing like the secular radical humanism of 1848 or 1789.

Cedric’s point is that Marx and Engels missed the significance of revolt in the rest of the world, specifically by non-Western peoples who made up the vast majority of the world’s unfree and nonindustrial labor force. Unfree laborers in Africa, the Americas, Asia, and the islands of the sea were producing the lion’s share of surplus value for a world system of racial capitalism, but the ideological source of their revolts was not the mode of production. Africans kidnapped and drawn into this system were ripped from “superstructures” with radically different beliefs, moralities, cosmologies, metaphysics, and intellectual traditions. Robinson observes,

Marx had not realized fully that the cargoes of laborers also contained African cultures, critical mixes and admixtures of language and thought, of cosmology and metaphysics, of habits, beliefs and morality. These were the actual terms of their humanity. These cargoes, then, did not consist of intellectual isolates or decultured blanks—men, women, and children separated from their previous universe. African labor brought the past with it, a past that had produced it and settled on it the first elements of consciousness and comprehension.

With this observation Robinson unveils the secret history of the Black radical tradition, which he describes as “a revolutionary consciousness that proceeded from the whole historical experience of Black people.” The Black radical tradition defies racial capitalism’s efforts to remake African social life and generate new categories of human experience stripped bare of the historical consciousness embedded in culture. Robinson traces the roots of Black radical thought to a shared epistemology among diverse African people, arguing that the first waves of African New World revolts were governed not by a critique rooted in Western conceptions of freedom but by a total rejection of enslavement and racism as it was experienced. Behind these revolts were not charismatic men but, more often than not, women. In fact, the female and queer-led horizontal formations that are currently at the forefront of resisting state violence and racial capitalism are more in line with the Black radical tradition than traditional civil rights organizations.

Africans chose flight and marronage because they were not interested in transforming Western society but in finding a way “home,” even if it meant death. Yet, the advent of formal colonialism and the incorporation of Black labor into a fully governed social structure produced the “native bourgeoisie,” the Black intellectuals whose positions within the political, educational, and bureaucratic structures of the dominant racial and colonial order gave them greater access to European life and thought. Their contradictory role as descendants of the enslaved, victims of racial domination, and tools of empire compelled some of these men and women to rebel, thus producing the radical Black intelligentsia. This intelligentsia occupies the last section of Black Marxism. Robinson reveals how W. E. B. Du Bois, C. L. R. James, and Richard Wright, by confronting Black mass movements, revised Western Marxism or broke with it altogether. The way they came to the Black radical tradition was more an act of recognition than of invention; they divined a theory of Black radicalism through what they found in the movements of the Black masses.

The final section has also been a source of confusion and misapprehension. Black Marxism is not a book about “Black Marxists” or the ways in which Black intellectuals “improved” Marxism by attending to race. This is a fundamental misunderstanding that has led even the most sympathetic readers to treat the Black radical tradition as a checklist of our favorite Black radical intellectuals. Isn’t Frantz Fanon part of the Black radical tradition? What about Claudia Jones? Why not Walter Rodney? Where are the African Marxists? Of course Cedric would agree that these and other figures were products of, and contributors to, the Black radical tradition. As he humbly closed his preface to the 2000 edition, “It was never my purpose to exhaust the subject, only to suggest that it was there.”

Black Marxism is neither Marxist nor anti-Marxist. It is a dialectical critique of Marxism that turns to the long history of Black revolt to construct a wholly original theory of revolution.

The Black radical tradition is not a greatest hits list. Cedric was clear that the Black intellectuals at the center of this work were not the Black radical tradition, nor did they stand outside it—through praxis they discovered it. Or, better yet, they were overtaken by it. And, as far as Cedric was concerned, sometimes the Black intellectuals about whom he writes fell short. Marxism was their path toward discovery, but apprehending the Black radical tradition required a break with Marx and Engels’s historical materialism.

Black Marxism is neither Marxist nor anti-Marxist. It is a dialectical critique of Marxism that turns to the long history of Black revolt—and to Black radical intellectuals who also turned to the history of Black revolt—to construct a wholly original theory of revolution and interpretation of the history of the modern world.

When the London-based Zed Press published Black Marxism in 1983, few could have predicted the impact it would have on political theory, political economy, historical analysis, Black studies, Marxist studies, and our broader understanding of the rise of the modern world. It appeared with little fanfare. For years it was treated as a curiosity, grossly misunderstood or simply ignored. Given its current “rebirth,” some may argue that Black Marxism was simply ahead of its time. Or, to paraphrase the sociologist George Lipsitz quoting the late activist Ivory Perry, perhaps Cedric was on time but the rest of us are late? Indeed, how we determine where we are depends on our conception of time.

In thinking of the Black radical tradition as generative rather than prefigurative, not only is the future uncertain, but the road is constantly changing.

Cedric took Marx’s historical materialism to task in part for its conception of time and temporality. From The Terms of Order to An Anthropology of Marxism, he consistently critiqued Marxism for its fidelity to a stadial view of history and linear time or teleology, and dismissed the belief that revolts occur at certain stages or only when the objective conditions are “ripe.” And yet there was something in Cedric—perhaps his grandfather’s notion of faith—that related to some utopian elements of Marxism, notably the commitment to eschatological time, or the idea of “end times” rooted in earlier Christian notions of prophecy. Anyone who has read the Communist Manifesto or sang “The Internationale” will recognize the promise of proletarian victory and a socialist future. On the one hand, Robinson considered the absence of “the promise of a certain future” a unique feature of Black radicalism. “Only when that radicalism is costumed or achieves an envelope in Black Christianity,” he explained in a 2012 lecture, “is there a certainty to it. Otherwise it is about a kind of resistance that does not promise triumph or victory at the end, only liberation. No nice package at the end, only that you would be free. . . . Only the promise of liberation, only the promise of liberation!”

“Only the promise of liberation” captures the essence of Black revolt and introduces a completely different temporality: blues time. Blues time eschews any reassurance that the path to liberation is preordained. Blues time is flexible and improvisatory; it is simultaneously in the moment, the past, the future, and the timeless space of the imagination. As the geographer Clyde Woods taught us, the blues is not a lament but a clear-eyed way of knowing and revealing the world that recognizes the tragedy and humor in everyday life, as well as the capacity of people to survive, think, and resist in the face of adversity. Blues time resembles what the anarchist theorist Uri Gordon calls a “generative temporality,” a temporality that treats the future itself as indeterminate and full of contingencies. In thinking of the Black radical tradition as generative rather than prefigurative, not only is the future uncertain, but the road is constantly changing, along with new social relations that require new visions and expose new contradictions and challenges.

Cedric reminded us repeatedly that the forces we face are not as strong as we think. They are held together by guns, tanks, and fictions. They can be disassembled.

What we are witnessing now, across the country and around the world, is a struggle to interrupt historical processes leading to catastrophe. These struggles are not doomed, nor are they guaranteed. Thanks in no small measure to this book, we fight with greater clarity, with a more expansive conception of the task before us, and with ever more questions. Cedric reminded us repeatedly that the forces we face are not as strong as we think. They are held together by guns, tanks, and fictions. They can be disassembled, though that is easier said than done. In the meantime, we need to be prepared to fight for our collective lives.


Adapted from the foreword to the third and updated edition of Black Marxism: The Making of a Radical Tradition, Copyright © 1983 by Cedric Robinson. Foreword Copyright © 2021 by Robin D. G. Kelley. Used by permission of the publisher.

Source: Why Black Marxism, Why Now? | Boston Review

How a Legacy of Organizing Among Domestic Workers Helped Turn Georgia Blue – Mother Jones

How a Legacy of Organizing Among Domestic Workers Helped Turn Georgia Blue

“Georgia is about to save our whole democracy, so we’re all in.”

“You ever been here?” Yterenickia Bell asks me as we wait for the door to the Cascade Skating Rink to be unlocked. “It’s historic,” she says, ushering me out of the December rain and into the fluorescent-lit roller-skating spot in west Atlanta’s Adamsville neighborhood. “People have been gathering here for years.”

The rink is awaiting the night crowd. Video games sit silent in a corner. The snack bar is dark except for a flashing neon sign. But it’s not empty: a handful of people in orange shirts and masks are chatting at the other end of the rink before braving the rain to get out the vote for Senate candidate Raphael Warnock. Bell is the GOTV director for Care in Action, an advocacy group whose members are mostly nannies, housecleaners, and home health workers. “We operate out of here because we have everyday folks that are workers that may have lost their jobs due to COVID, and a saturation of them live in this area,” she says. “It’s the community helping the community.”

I’d come to Georgia to see Democrats’ ground game ahead of the Senate runoff, and in particular, to understand the role that this group of domestic workers, most of whom are women of color, has had in turning the state purple. Right now the rink is the center of the action. From here, Bell has been organizing 250 door-knockers a day to get the word out about the race and voting logistics. “It takes people who are committed to this work, who know what’s at stake,” she says. “They have to get up every morning at eight o’clock to be here by nine for training and then go out to their specific turf and knock on people’s doors.” In the two months leading up to the runoff, Care in Action reached out to 5.85 million voters, either by phone, by mail, or in person, including more than 1 million door knocks. “Georgia is about to save our whole democracy, so we’re all in,” Bell says.

Those efforts paid off. Just after Georgians elected a Democrat for president for the first time in 30 years, they went on to pick Warnock, a Black preacher, and Jon Ossoff, a Jewish millennial, to represent them in the Senate, clinching Democrats’ narrow control of the chamber. In majority-Black precincts, early numbers indicated that the turnout in the January runoff would surpass that of November 2020 and reach a level not seen since Barack Obama’s 2012 reelection. Republican turnout was also strong, but not enough to turn back a second blue wave in so many months.

Though Care in Action is not affiliated with Stacey Abrams, who has been widely credited with turning Georgia blue, its work is a direct extension of Democrats’ decade-long effort to reshape the state by organizing voters of color. “What it takes to win in Georgia is a multiracial coalition,” says Rep. Nikema Williams, who served as Care in Action’s deputy director in 2018 and now holds the US House seat formerly held by Rep. John Lewis. And just as that coalition did not come together overnight, it also drew upon generations of organizing by Black domestic workers. “I do believe that investment in long-term, community-based organizing and power building does pay off,” says Ai-jen Poo, Care in Action’s senior adviser and the founder of the National Domestic Workers Alliance. “Throughout our history, Black domestic workers have organized and have really asserted their dignity through organizing.”

Atlanta is the birthplace of that movement. The first recorded domestic workers’ strike was in 1881, when Black women in Atlanta left their posts to demand better wages. Dorothy Lee Bolden helped create the National Domestic Workers Union of America (a precursor to NDWA) in the city in 1968. It was less a formal union than an education and advocacy effort, which Bolden led for nearly three decades. She built an infrastructure that took the union directly to the people it represented, using public buses to hold informal meetings and recruit domestic workers during their daily commute. There were two requirements to join the union: Members had to be domestic workers, and they had to vote.

The NDWU eventually spread to 10 more states, won workers’ compensation and Social Security benefits, and helped raise the minimum wage in Atlanta by 33 percent. Bolden also had an influential voice that affected national policy; her expertise was sought by presidents Nixon, Ford, and Carter.

The movement fizzled a bit in the ’80s as union power declined but it was revived a decade ago when Poo began organizing home care workers to push for greater labor protections. After notching win after win, she realized that the women she’d helped bring together were an untapped voting bloc. In 2018, she launched Care in Action to get out the vote for women candidates who stand by policies that domestic workers could benefit from. That same year, Abrams ran for governor of Georgia while pushing an unabashedly progressive agenda that included expanding Medicaid, raising the minimum wage, and ensuring quality public education. Abrams received Care in Action’s first endorsement, and the group mobilized 300 domestic workers to canvass for her.

People who worked on that campaign recall there was a beautiful synergy in domestic workers rallying for the possibility of Abrams becoming Georgia’s first Black governor. “We were very intentional about running a program that reached out to people that have been overlooked in the political process for way too long,” Williams recalls. “Our unique skill set was having our membership actually do the canvassing. It really changed the game for us and the way we were able to expand the electorate.”

Though Abrams lost her bid, thanks in no small part to the voter suppression tactics of her opponent, then–Secretary of State Brian Kemp, Poo and others felt they had bottled lightning. Indeed, in terms of people pounding the pavement, Care in Action was the largest independently funded grassroots effort in Georgia during the 2018 election cycle. Since then, it has expanded into Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Nevada, Arizona, and Michigan. It started small, focusing on a few state candidates and the presidential election, with an eye toward expanding its operations in Georgia.

Despite the challenges presented by a pandemic that forced a rethink of its campaign outreach and infrastructure, Care in Action was able to carry the energy from 2018 through two more hard-fought races in 2020. “I think that [Abrams’ loss] was the momentum that we needed, that propelled us to be ready and to be able to launch for the Senate runoff as well as engage in a general,” Bell says. “We were able to essentially flip our state blue.”

The stakes are clear to Melanie Jackson, a domestic worker in the Atlanta area who tells me that canvassing with Care in Action made her feel like she was making a difference in a state whose elections have deep repercussions for the rest of the country. She recalls a recent conversation she’d had with a Black man in his 30s who told her he wasn’t planning to vote—he just didn’t feel like there was any point. She says she stared at him, incredulous. “You’re gonna miss the first opportunity to send a Black man from Georgia to the United States Senate?” she asked him.

He responded, “Sister, just because you said that, I’m going to go vote for the guy.”

“We locked eyes,” she told me. “I know that he went and followed through on that, and he probably thought about me as he was pressing those buttons. No doubt in my mind.”

FACT:

Mother Jones was founded as a nonprofit in 1976 because we knew corporations and the wealthy wouldn’t fund the type of hard-hitting journalism we set out to do.

Today, reader support makes up about two-thirds of our budget, allows us to dig deep on stories that matter, and lets us keep our reporting free for everyone. If you value what you get from Mother Jones, please join us with a tax-deductible donation today so we can keep on doing the type of journalism 2021 demands.

Source: How a Legacy of Organizing Among Domestic Workers Helped Turn Georgia Blue – Mother Jones

We Have To Stop Valorizing Black Cops | Black Agenda Report

We Have To Stop Valorizing Black Cops

The purpose of policing––to jail and kill Black folks––remains the same regardless of the officers’ race.

“Allowing Black people into inherently racist systems does not make those systems better, safer, or more equitable.”

Policing in America is facing a PR crisis. Following the May 25th murder of George Floyd by Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin, the term “defund the police” has become a rallying cry for thousands across the country. Six months later, however, America has not defunded its police force––and in fact, has in some cases taken steps to give police departments even more money. Instead, police forces across America have taken an insidious approach: painting their departments in blackface.

After the January 6th Trump riot at the Capitol building , Yoganda Pittman, a Black woman, was named the new Chief of Capitol Police. Her appointment followed the resignation of former Chief Steven Sund and the arrest and firing of several white police officers who were found to be in attendance at the MAGA riot. Pittman’s appointment appeased many liberals who falsely believe that allowing Black folks to infiltrate or run law enforcement agencies will lead to higher levels of safety for Black Americans. The termination of several officers  who took part in the riot has convinced many that we are one step closer to “reforming” the police by weeding out the racist, bad apples within the department.

“Pittman’s appointment appeased many liberals.”

This is a nice narrative, but a false one; in order to understand why, we must look at the history of policing in this country. Modern policing in America was originally created as a replacement for America’s slave patrol system wherein squadrons made up of white volunteers were empowered to use vigilante tactics to enforce laws related to slavery. These “enforcers” were in charge of locating and returning enslaved people who had escaped, crushing uprisings led by enslaved people, and punishing enslaved workers who were found or believed to have violated plantation rules. After slavery was legally abolished in 1865, America created its modern police force to do the exact thing under a different name: maintain the white supremacist hierarchy that is necessary under racial capitalism. The purpose of policing––to jail and kill Black folks––remains the same regardless of the officers’ race.

Liberal media has also contributed to the recent valorization of Black cops. In the days after the January 6th riot, many news outlets aggressively pushed a story about Eugene Goodman, a Black capitol police officer who led several rioters away from the Congress people’s hiding places while being chased by a white supremacist mob. Several news outlets published testimonials of Black police officers disclosing instances of racism within the department. A January 14th article in ProPublica  notes that over 250 Black cops have sued the department for racism since 2001: some Black cops have alleged that white officers used racial slurs or hung nooses in Black officer’s lockers, and one Black cop even claimed he heard a white officer say, “Obama monkey, go back to Africa.”

“Modern policing in America was originally created as a replacement for America’s slave patrol system.”

These white officers’ racism is unsurprising, and I am not denying any of these claims. But focusing on these singular, isolated moments of racism wherein white cops are painted as cruel and Black cops are the sympathetic victims grossly oversimplifies the narrative of structural racism that modern American policing was built upon. After hearing these slurs that they were allegedly so disgusted by, these Black cops still intentionally chose to put on their badge, don their guns, and work alongside these white police officers who insulted and demeaned them, laboring under a violent system with the sole purpose of harming and terrorizing Black and low-income communities. Similarly, while Goodman’s actions most likely saved many lives during the riot, we cannot allow one moment of decency to erase centuries of racist violence.

The great Zora Neale Hurston once said: “All my skinfolk ain’t kinfolk.” Her words ring ever true today, and these Black police officers are an excellent example of why. It’s tempting to believe that putting Black folks on the force will solve racial violence, but this is a liberal myth we must break free of. Allowing Black people into inherently racist systems does not make those systems better, safer, or more equitable: a quick look at many Black folks in power today, such as Barack Obama, Kamala Harris, Lori Lightfoot, and Keisha Lance Bottoms immediately prove this to be the case. Everyone supporting racial capitalism must be scrutinized and held accountable, regardless of their identity. We cannot on the one hand say that ‘all cops are bastards’ and then suddenly feel sympathy when those cops are not white. If we want to defund and abolish the police, we must resist the narrative that Black cops have anything to offer us.

Mary Retta is a writer, virgo, cartoon enthusiast — a queer Black writer for sites like Teen Vogue, The Nation, Bitch Media, and Vice.

This article previously appeared in HoodCommunist .

Source: We Have To Stop Valorizing Black Cops | Black Agenda Report

FHTE Reparationist Quick Guided (Volume 1 Issue 2)_.pdf – Google Drive

FHTE Reparationist Quick Guide
January 2021 – Volume 1 Issue 2

About Us
The FHTE (From Here to Equality) Reparationist Quick Guide Response was
initially established in October of 2020, as the ADOS Reparationist Quick Guide©, and is designed to be a civic engagement resource for anyone. It allows supporters to take an ownership share in our online social justice advocacy. Authorship is being encouraged from every sector and community of citizens concerned with the restorative justice of black American Descendants of Slavery (i.e., ADOS) and the closing of the black-white racial
wealth gap. The book From here to equality: Reparations for black Americans in the twentieth century (Darity & Mullen, 2020) will serve as our base source for the volumes’ invited authors. Each issue will contain four topics and five quick points from four featured authors who offer their responses to commonly held positions in opposition to reparations or frequently asked questions (FAQ) about African American reparations.

The inherited disadvantages of slavery and the inability to transfer wealth to ADOS descendants have been a significant contributor to the bottom class positionality of this ethnic group. This series is published to encourage study and dialogue. It is an instrument for personal empowerment. The guide creates a space for the civic engagement participation of Reparationist in national coalition-building, including petitioning for significant revision (or
replacement) of the bill H.R. 40 (S.1083) currently under consideration in the U.S. Congress.

 

Source: FHTE Reparationist Quick Guided (Volume 1 Issue 2)_.pdf – Google Drive